:Eritha

File:Pylos_5.jpg]]

By the time of Eritha's life at the end of the Bronze Age, Mycenaean states, such as Pylos, were centred around monumental buildings, known in modern scholarship as palaces. These palaces were themselves the centre of economic and political administration, and formed an institution which mobilised and redistributed resources within the polity.{{Sfn|Bennet|Shelmerdine|2008|pp=290–291}} Administrators within the palatial apparatus kept records of economic and other activity on clay tablets, written in the Linear B script.{{Sfn|Nakassis|2013|p=19}}

In the Linear B records, Eritha is associated with the site of Sphagianes (Mycenaean Greek: {{lang|gmy|𐀞𐀑𐀊𐀛}}, syllabic transcription {{Transliteration|gmy|pa-ki-ja-ne}}).{{efn|name=LinearBBasics}} Sphagianes is known through the tablets categorised by modern scholars into the Eb, Ep, En and Eo series, which record landholdings at the site. It is believed to have been a religious centre near Pylos,{{Efn|Barbara Montecchi has also suggested that Sphagianes may have been the name of a district, perhaps including the settlement of Pylos itself, or of all or part of that settlement.{{sfn|Montecchi|2016|p=132}}}} Most of the landholders there, including Eritha, are described with titles associated with religious cult,{{Sfn|Hiller|2011|p=182}} particularly forty-six people labelled as "servants of the god".{{Refn|{{harvnb|Hiller|2011|p=182}}: for the number and for specific detail, see {{harvnb|Lupack|2011|p=208}}.}} dedicated to the goddess Potnia, who may have been a mother goddess and was possibly the chief goddess of the Pylian pantheon.{{sfnm|1a1=Chadwick|1y=1957|1pp=122–123|2a1=Feuer|2y=2004|2p=903|3a1=Castleden|3y=2005|3p=28}}

Those identified by name in the Pylian tablets, such as Eritha, constitute around 2% of the estimated population of the polity. Dimitri Nakassis has argued that they represent "a broad elite group" within it.{{Sfn|Nakassis|2013|pp=172–173}} Eritha is one of two women named as holding religious office, along with another named Karpathia.{{sfn|Olsen|2014|p=136}} Both were based at Sphagianes;{{Sfn|Lupack|2011|p=208}} Eritha appears to have been the more important of the two.{{refn|{{harvnb|Olsen|2014|p=136: "...of the named priestesses, {{Transliteration|gmy|e-ri-ta}}, whose name should normalize as {{Transliteration|gmy|Eritha}}, seems to have been the more significant."}}}} Guy Middleton has argued that Eritha may have been a member of an aristocratic or royal family, but equally may have owed her authority to a religious system with little direct correspondence to the ruling palatial system.{{Sfn|Middleton|2023|p=98}} Religious organisations in the Pylian state were involved in economic activities, particularly the manufacture of bronze, and had at least some economic independence from the palatial authority.{{Sfn|Nakassis|2013|p=172}}

Priestesses held positions of power in Mycenaean society: indeed, this is one of few positions of power in which women are shown in Mycenaean art.{{Sfn|Olsen|2014|p=5}} They received economic and administrative privileges, and carried out civic functions as well as religious ones, such as animal sacrifice.{{Sfn|Nikolaidou|2012|p=42}} Of all the women listed on the Pylian Linear B tablets, Eritha and Karpathia control the largest amount of material goods. Barbara Olsen has described them as the most important women mentioned in the records of either Pylos or the site of Knossos on Crete.{{Efn|Of approximately 5,500 surviving Linear B tablets, around 4,000 are from Knossos and 1,000 are from Pylos: the next largest corpus, of 400 tablets, is from Thebes.{{sfn|Bennet|2013|p=244}}}} Priestesses are shown as having control over land, men, women and material goods, including textiles.{{Sfn|Olsen|2014|p=136}} Olsen notes that the religious sphere is an exception to the usually male-dominated nature of Pylian society, writing that "only the institution of religion could trump gender",{{refn|{{harvnb|Olsen|2014|p=154}}: see also {{harvnb|Olsen|2020|p=294}}: "the Linear B tablets from both Pylos and Knossos reveal a hierarchical social system in which men predominate."}}{{Efn|A conjectural reading by Jorrit Kelder and Marco Poelwijk of another Linear B tablet, PY Ta 711, has speculated that the name written in Linear B as {{Transliteration|gmy|pu2-ke-qi-ri}}, usually identified as that of a male palatial official, may have belonged to a noble woman or queen.{{sfnm|1a1=Kelder|1a2=Poelwijk|1y=2016|1p=581|2a1=Middleton|2y=2023|2p=96}}}} and that the religion appears to have been the only mechanism for women to obtain economic autonomy.{{Sfn|Olsen|2020|p=295}} At Pylos, it is rare to find evidence of women having control over land or being involved in economic activities monitored by the palace, though women were more prominent in both areas at Knossos.{{Sfnm|1a1=Nakassis|1y=2015|2a1=Olsen|2y=2014|2p=227}} Only 5% of the land recorded on the Pylian Linear B tablets was held by women, and no women without religious offices are recorded as landholders.{{Sfn|Olsen|2020|p=295}} Cult officials are also the only women, bar one, to be listed without reference to their marital or child-bearing status.{{Refn|{{harvnb|Olsen|2015|p=118}}. The exception, a woman named Kessandra, is listed on five Linear B tablets as being allotted men, commodities and food by the palace.{{sfn|Olsen|2015|p=118}}}}

Another woman at Sphagianes, by the name of Huamia, is listed on the tablet PY Ep 704 as a "servant of the god" and as holding land given to her as a "gift of honour" by a priestess. Nakassis infers that this priestess is likely to be Eritha, who is named on the following line of the same tablet.{{Sfn|Nakassis|2013|p=396}} Joan Breton Connelly has suggested that those designated as servants of the god had the role of assisting Eritha in her duties.{{Sfn|Connelly|2007|p=13}} While the specific nature of these priestly duties is not recorded by the palace, Eritha is the only woman listed as holding power over those designated as "slaves" or "servants".{{Sfn|Middleton|2023|pp=96–97}}{{Efn|The Mycenaean Greek term {{Transliteration|gmy|doulos}} is variously rendered as both slave and servant: Nakassis suggests that the latter more closely fits the available evidence, while Hiller writes that they are "surely not 'slaves' in the classical sense of the word".{{sfnm|1a1=Nakassis|1y=2013|1p=15|2a1=Olsen|2y=2014|2p=296|4a1=Hiller|4y=2011|4p=182}}}} The tablet PY Ae 303 lists at least fourteen women, designated as "servants of the priestess", possibly assigned to Eritha by the palace to help with the distribution of gold as religious offerings.{{Sfn|Middleton|2023|p=97}}

File:Linear B tablet Ep 704.svg

A dispute over Eritha's land is recorded on two Linear B tablets. The first, PY Eb 297, is described by Nakassis as a "preliminary document", and was written by a high-ranking administrator known as Hand 41.{{Refn|{{harvnb|Nakassis|2013|p=171}}. For Hand 41's status, see {{harvnb|Palaima|1985|p=105}}.}} The second, PY Ep 704, was written by Hand 1, considered the chief scribe of Pylos.{{Sfn|Nakassis|2013|p=171}} The tablets represent the oldest known evidence of a legal dispute from Europe.{{Sfn|Olsen|2015|p=108}}

PY Ep 704 records Eritha's landholdings in the following lines. These constitute the longest preserved sentence of Mycenaean Greek,{{Sfn|Nakassis|2013|p=170}} and the only record of a judicial dispute in the Linear B corpus:{{Sfn|Palaima|1995|p=129}}

{{Blockquote|text=Eritha the priestess holds an {{Transliteration|gmy|onaton}} plot of communal land from the {{Transliteration|gmy|damos}}, so much seed: WHEAT: 38.4 litres ... Eritha the priestess holds and claims to hold an {{Transliteration|gmy|etōnion}} plot for the god, but the {{Transliteration|gmy|damos}} says she holds an {{Transliteration|gmy|onaton}} plot of communal lands, so much seed: WHEAT 374.4 litres.{{efn|The size of a plot of land was expressed in the amount of seed required to sow it.{{Sfn|Bennet|Shelmerdine|2008|p=300}} Michael Lane estimates that between 52 and 86 litres of seed would be sown per hectare,{{sfn|Lane|2009|p=111}} making the smaller plot between {{convert|0.45|and|0.74|ha|acre}} in area and the larger between {{convert|4.35|and|7.2|ha|acre}}.}}|author=PY Ep 704, lines 3, 5–6.{{sfnm|1a1=Bennet|1a2=Shelmerdine|1y=2008|1p=300|2a1=Nakassis|2y=2013|2pp=170–171|3a1=Lupack|3y=2008|3p=66}}}}

The word {{Transliteration|gmy|onaton}} referred to a standard allotment of land.{{Sfn|Bennet|Shelmerdine|2008|p=300}} The land in dispute – the second allotment mentioned in the tablet – is described by Nakassis as fairly large by Pylian standards.{{Sfn|Nakassis|2013|p=171}} The term {{Transliteration|gmy|etōnion}} described a category of landholding: its precise meaning is unclear.{{refn|{{harvnb|Nakassis|2013|p=171}}. See {{section link||Nature of the dispute}} below.}} The palace appears to have made no decision to settle the dispute.{{Sfn|Deger-Jalkotzy|1988|p=42}}

Linear B tablets were written on clay and retained for at most a year.{{sfnm|1a1=Bennet|1y=2001|1p=29|2a1=Salgarella|2y=2020|2p=161}} Their contents may, in normal circumstances, have transferred to other materials such as papyrus for long-term storage.{{Sfn|Judson|2020|p=14}} It is thought that the clay tablets would normally have been discarded after such a transfer was complete, and in any case that they were not generally intended to be archived or kept for an extended period: indeed, the site of Pylos is unusual in providing evidence for the systematic sorting and storage of these tablets.{{Sfn|Judson|2020|p=13}}

Linear B tablets were not intentionally fired, but were left to dry in the sun.{{Sfn|Judson|2020|p=13}} Those Linear B tablets which survive today were accidentally fired during the destruction by fire of the palace in which they happened to be:{{Sfn|Judson|2020|p=14}} in the case of Pylos, this destruction happened late in the LH IIIB period, around the transition to LH IIIC,{{Sfn|Mountjoy|1997|p=135}} and is dated to {{Circa|1180 BCE}}.{{Sfn|Brecoulaki|2025|p=151}} Most of the surviving tablets from Pylos were found in the so-called "Archives Complex" at the Palace of Nestor.{{Sfnm|1a1=Pluta|1y=1998|1pp=231–232|2a1=Bennet|2a2=Shelmerdine|2y=2008|2p=297}} Given that the tablets were normally retained for less than a year, Eritha's legal dispute must have taken place within months before the palace's destruction.{{Sfn|Bennet|2001|p=29}}

The term {{Transliteration|gmy|damos}} (plural {{Transliteration|gmy|damoi}}) in Linear B is used for quasi-independent village communities within the lands of the palatial state.{{Sfn|Rutherford|2020|pp=64–65}} John Bennet and Cynthia Shelmerdine suggest that the word {{Transliteration|gmy|damos}} referred to an administrative district, and also to the group of local administrators overseeing land allocations in that district.{{Sfn|Bennet|Shelmerdine|2008|p=300}} The local {{Transliteration|gmy|damos}}, rather than the palace, is generally taken to have controlled all the land at Sphagianes recorded on the Linear B tablets, and therefore to have been able to call upon the service of its land-holding supervisors, known as {{Transliteration|gmy|telestai}}.{{refn|{{harvnb|Lupack|2011|p=213}}; {{harvnb|Deger-Jalkotzy|1983|pages=91, 99–100}}. On the {{Transliteration|gmy|telestai}}, see {{harvnb|Nakassis|2013|p=12}} and {{harvnb|Chadwick|2014|p=113}}.}} Land designated as "communal" was leased to individuals by the {{Transliteration|gmy|damos}}, and conferred obligations on the leaseholder with respect to the {{Transliteration|gmy|damos}}.{{Sfn|Middleton|2023|p=98}}

Rodney Castleden draws a contrast between priestesses like Eritha, whom he considers to have represented the social elite, and the {{Transliteration|gmy|damos}}, whom he considers to have been "ordinary people".{{Sfn|Castleden|2005|p=84}} The term "plot-holders" ({{Transliteration|gmy|ktoinohokhoi}}) was used by Hand 41 on PY Eb 297 to indicate Eritha's opponents, where {{Transliteration|gmy|damos}} was used by Hand 1 on PY Ep 704, leading to the suggestion that the landholders of Sphagianes either controlled the {{Transliteration|gmy|damos}} or were themselves equivalent to it. The names of twelve of these landholders are known: six are known to have been {{Transliteration|gmy|telestai}}, at least three were smiths, and one may have been a herdsman.{{sfn|Nakassis|2013|p=171}} Susan Lupack, Sigrid Deger-Jalkotzy and Michel Lejeune suggest that the "plot-holders" were a group or committee of {{Transliteration|gmy|damos}} members empowered to act on behalf of the wider {{Transliteration|gmy|damos}}.{{Sfn|Lupack|2011|pp=212–213}} John Chadwick similarly considers that the largest landholders in the {{Transliteration|gmy|damos}} spoke on its behalf.{{Sfn|Chadwick|1976|p=77}}

File:Map of ancient Pylos-en.svg {{Circa|1180 BCE}}, showing possible locations of some key sites within the Pylian state]]

As recorded on PY Ep 704, Eritha claimed that the disputed plot was an {{Transliteration|gmy|etōnion}}, a term whose precise meaning is obscure.{{Sfn|Nakassis|2013|p=171}} It is generally agreed that an {{Transliteration|gmy|etōnion}} was exempt from at least some of the tax levied upon land.{{Sfn|Nikoloudis|2014|p=234}} According to Bennet and Shelmerdine, the substance of the dispute was that Eritha argued that the majority of her holdings were exempt from regular administrative obligations on the grounds of having religious status.{{Sfn|Bennet|Shelmerdine|2008|p=300}} Lupack supports this view, suggesting that an {{Transliteration|gmy|etōnion}} was free of all obligations, including taxes.{{Sfn|Lupack|2011|pp=212–213}} Nakassis suggests that an {{Transliteration|gmy|etōnion}} may have been required to pay no or fewer taxes to the {{Transliteration|gmy|damos}} than an {{Transliteration|gmy|onaton}}.{{Sfn|Nakassis|2013|p=171}}

Michael Galaty suggests that, by categorising the land as being held "for the god", Eritha hoped to have it excluded from her property for the purposes of calculating tax obligations.{{Sfn|Galaty|2018|p=162}} Lupack suggests that categorising Eritha's holdings as an {{Transliteration|gmy|etōnion}} would mean that their production was still considered in calculating how much tax was owed to the palatial administration, but that their holder would not be liable to pay those taxes directly. She accepts Deger-Jalkotzy's belief that the {{Transliteration|gmy|damos}} as a whole was assessed and liable to pay taxes to the palace, and therefore that the other {{Transliteration|gmy|damos}} members would have to pay additional taxes, commensurate with the assessed value of Eritha's holdings, if the latter were categorised as exempt from taxation. Lupack suggests that the prospect of these additional requirements provoked the {{Transliteration|gmy|damos}} to object to Eritha's claim.{{sfnm|1a1=Lupack|1y=2011|1pp=212–213|2a1=Deger-Jalkotzy|2y=1988|2p=42|3a1=Deger-Jalkotzy|3y=1978|3pp=55, 64{{ndash}}65}} Only three plots are listed as {{Transliteration|gmy|etōnion}} land in the Linear B tablets: Lupack suggests that these were gifts of the ruler ({{Transliteration|gmy|wanax}}), granted only rarely so as to avoid antagonising the {{Transliteration|gmy|damos}}.{{Sfn|Lupack|2011|pp=214–215}}

According to Nakassis, the dispute shows that religious institutions, such as the one with which Eritha was connected, were simultaneously involved with the palatial authority and at least partially independent of it.{{Sfn|Nakassis|2013|p=172}} Bennet and Shelmerdine characterise the debate as a clash of "religious authority against the secular power of the {{Transliteration|gmy|damos}}".{{Sfn|Bennet|Shelmerdine|2008|p=300}} They argue that the tablet's inclusion in the palace archive of Pylos indicates that the palace ultimately had authority to adjudicate the dispute.{{Sfn|Bennet|Shelmerdine|2008|p=301}} At the same time, Nakassis judges that Eritha's claim to hold land "for the god" shows that her authority did not entirely derive from that of the palace.{{Sfn|Nakassis|2013|p=172}}

Lupack writes that the existence of the dispute is "of great significance", in that it demonstrates that the {{Transliteration|gmy|damos}} was able to act as a unified legal entity, and that Eritha, as a priestess, was empowered to take legal action on behalf of her sanctuary and deity.{{Sfn|Lupack|2011|p=213}} Castleden suggests that the actions of the {{Transliteration|gmy|damos}} constitute a formal complaint by "ordinary people" against their social superiors, and so evidence that the hierarchy of Pylian society was "not overwhelmingly oppressive".{{Sfn|Castleden|2005|p=84}} Stefan Hiller, by contrast, considers Eritha to have been a member of the {{Transliteration|gmy|damos}}, and so the dispute to have been "not between palace and {{Transliteration|gmy|damos}}, but ... between an individual member of the {{Transliteration|gmy|damos}} and the {{Transliteration|gmy|damos}} community".{{Sfn|Hiller|1988|p=63}} Shelmerdine considers the {{Transliteration|gmy|damos}} to have held at least equal power to Eritha, and perhaps to have had the power to overrule her assessment of her land.{{Sfn|Shelmerdine|1999|p=24}} She cites Eritha's dispute as an example of the "frictions" that could emerge between competing centres of religious, civic and royal power in Mycenaean society.{{Sfn|Shelmerdine|2023|p=93}}

Deger-Jalkotzy suggests that the lack of a palatial decision in the dispute indicates that the palace saw such property disputes as a matter for the local community to resolve.{{Sfn|Deger-Jalkotzy|1988|p=42}} Middleton similarly suggests that the palace may have lacked any power or authority to involve itself in the matter,{{Sfn|Middleton|2023|p=98}} though Shelmerdine and Bennet argue that the presence of the dispute in the palatial archive indicates that "land tenure was ultimately under the control of the king's central authority".{{Sfn|Bennet|Shelmerdine|2008|pp=300–301}}

Philippa Steele has argued that the use in the Linear B tablets of verbs of speaking to describe the positions of Eritha and the {{Transliteration|gmy|damos}} indicates that legal business was conducted orally, rather than through written documentation, and its results recorded only in memory. Other scholars, such as Jean-Pierre Olivier, argue that legal documentation (such as records of laws, contracts and sales) was recorded on perishable materials, which are now lost.{{sfnm|1a1=Finlayson|1y=2013|1p=131|2a1=Steele|2y=2008|2pp=35, 43–44|3a1=Olivier|3y=1986|3p=387}} Thomas Palaima notes that the nature of Mycenaean land tenure and the obligations of taxation and service recorded in Linear B must have required judicial rulings and resolution, although no record of any has survived.{{Sfn|Palaima|1995|p=129}}

• Mycenaean religion

{{notelist}}

{{reflist}}

{{refbegin|30em|indent=yes}}

• {{Cite book |last=Bennet |first=John |author-link=John Bennet (archaeologist)|title=Economy and Politics in the Mycenaean Palatial States |publisher=Cambridge Philological Society |year=2001 |isbn=978-0-906014-26-4 |editor-last=Voutsaki |editor-first=Sofia |editor-link1=Sofia Voutsaki |pages=25–37 |chapter=Agency and Bureaucracy: Thoughts on the Nature and Extent of Administration at Bronze-Age Pylos |editor-last2=Killen |editor-first2=John}}
• {{cite book| last1=Bennet| first1=John| author-link1=John Bennet (archaeologist)| last2=Shelmerdine| first2=Cynthia W.| author-link2=Cynthia W. Shelmerdine| year=2008| chapter=Economy and Administration| title=The Cambridge Companion to the Aegean Bronze Age| editor-last1=Shelmerdine| editor-first1=Cynthia W.| publisher=Cambridge University Press| isbn=978-1-139-00189-2| doi=10.1017/CCOL9780521814447 | pages=289–309}}
• {{cite book| last1=Bennet| first1=John| author-link1=John Bennet (archaeologist)| year=2013| chapter=Bronze Age Greece| title=The Oxford Handbook of the State in the Ancient Near East and Mediterranean| publisher=Oxford University Press| place=New York| editor-last1=Bang| editor-first1=Peter Fibiger| editor-link1=Peter Fibiger Bang| editor-last2=Scheidel| editor-first2=Walter| editor-link2=Walter Scheidel| isbn=978-0-19-518831-8| pages=235–258}}
• {{cite book| last=Brecoulaki| first=Hariclia| date=2025| chapter=Painting the Palace of Pylos: Aegean Legacies, Mycenaean Colors, and Iconographies| title=The Kingdom of Pylos: Warrior-Princes of Mycenaean Greece| editor-last1=Stocker| editor-first1=Sharon| editor-link1=Sharon Stocker| editor-last2=Lyons| editor-first2=Claire L.| editor-last3=Davis | editor-first3=Jack L.| editor-link3=Jack L. Davis| editor-last4=Militsi-Kechagia| editor-first4=Evangelia| isbn=978-1-60606-967-7| publisher=J. Paul Getty Museum| place=Los Angeles| pages=151–154}}
• {{cite book|last=Castleden|first=Rodney|title=The Mycenaeans|year=2005|location=London and New York|publisher=Routledge|isbn=0-415-36336-5}}
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• {{cite book| last=Chadwick| first=John| author-link=John Chadwick| year=1976| title=The Mycenaean World| publisher=Cambridge University Press| isbn=0-521-29037-6}}
• {{cite book| last=Chadwick| first=John| author-link=John Chadwick| year=2014| orig-date=1967| edition=2nd| title=The Decipherment of Linear B| publisher=Cambridge University Press| isbn=978-1-107-69176-6}}
• {{cite book|last=Connelly|first=Joan Breton|author-link=Joan Breton Connelly| title=Portrait of a Priestess: Women and Ritual in Ancient Greece|year=2007|publisher=Princeton University Press|isbn=978-0-691-12746-0|url=https://archive.org/details/portraitofpriest00conn|url-access=registration}}
• {{cite book| last=Deger-Jalkotzy| first=Sigrid| author-link=Sigrid Deger-Jalkotzy| year=1978| title=E-qe-ta: Zur Rolle des Gefolgschaftswesens in der Sozialstruktur mykenischer Reiche| language=de| trans-title=E-qe-ta: On the Role of Allegiance in the Social Structure of Mycenaean Kingdoms| isbn=978-3-7001-0271-7| series=Mykenische Studien [Mycenaean Studies]| volume=6| publisher=Austrian Academy of Sciences| place=Vienna}}
• {{cite book| last=Deger-Jalkotzy| first=Sigrid| author-link=Sigrid Deger-Jalkotzy| year=1983| chapter=Zum Charakter und zur Herausbildung der mykenischen Sozialstruktur| language=de| trans-chapter=On the Character and Development of Mycenaean Social Structure| title=Res Mycenaeae: Akten des VII. Internationalen Mykenologischen Colloquiums in Nürnberg vom 6.–10. April 1981| trans-title=Res Mycenaeae: Acts of the 7th International Mycaenological Colloquium in Nürnberg from 6–10 April 1981| editor-last1=Heubeck| editor-first1=A.| editor-last2=Neumann| editor-first2=G.| pages=89–111| place=Göttingen| publisher=Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht| isbn=3-525-25743-0}}
• {{cite book| last=Deger-Jalkotzy| first=Sigrid| author-link=Sigrid Deger-Jalkotzy| year=1988| chapter=Landbesitz und Sozialstruktur im mykenischen Staat von Pylos| trans-chapter=Land Ownership and Social Structure in the Mycenaean State of Pylos| language=de| title=Society and Economy in the Eastern Mediterranean, c. 1500–1000 BC: Proceedings of the International Symposium Held at the University of Haifa from the 28th of April to the 2nd of May, 1985| editor-last1=Heltzer|editor-first1=M.|editor-last2=Lipiński|editor-first2=E. | location=Leuven|publisher=Peeters Publishers|isbn=978-90-6831-135-8| pages=31–52}}
• {{cite book| last=Feuer| first=Bryan| year=2004| orig-date=1996| edition=Revised| title=Mycenaean Civilization: An Annotated Bibliography Through 2002| publisher=McFarland| place=Jefferson| isbn=978-0-7864-1748-3}}
• {{cite book| last=Finlayson| first=Sarah| year=2013| chapter=Form Follows Function: Writing and Its Supports in the Aegean Bronze Age| editor-last1=Piquette| editor-first1=Kathryn| editor-last2=Whitehouse| editor-first2=Ruth| title=Writing as Material Practice: Substance, Surface and Medium| publisher=Ubiquity Press| place=London| isbn=978-1-909188-26-6| pages=123–142}}
• {{cite book| last=Galaty| first=Michael L.| year=2018| chapter=Mycenaean Glocalism: Greek Political Economies and International Trade| chapter-url=https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/707867BD61CAD048D99A3CEAB3E5D19C/9781108340946c6_p143-171_CBO.pdf/mycenaean_glocalism_greek_political_economies_and_international_trade.pdf| chapter-url-access=subscription| title=Trade and Civilisation: Economic Networks and Cultural Ties, from Prehistory to the Early Modern Era| editor-last1=Kristiansen| editor-first1=Kristian| editor-last2=Lindkvist| editor-first2=Thomas | editor-last3=Myrdal| editor-first3=Janken| publisher=Cambridge University Press| isbn=978-1-108-34094-6}}
• {{cite book|last=Hiller| first=Stefan| year=1988| chapter=Dependent Personnel in Mycenaean Texts| editor-last1=Heltzer|editor-first1=M.|editor-last2=Lipiński|editor-first2=E.|title=Society and Economy in the Eastern Mediterranean, c. 1500–1000 BC: Proceedings of the International Symposium Held at the University of Haifa from the 28th of April to the 2nd of May, 1985|location=Leuven|publisher=Peeters Publishers|isbn=978-90-6831-135-8| pages=53–68}}
• {{cite book|last=Hiller| first=Stefan| year=2011| chapter=Mycenaean Religion and Cult| editor-last1=Duhoux| editor-first1=Yves| editor-link2=Anna Morpurgo Davies| editor-last2=Morpurgo Davies| editor-first2=Anna| title=A Companion to Linear B: Mycenaean Greek Texts and Their World| volume=2| place=Louvain-la-Neuve| publisher=Peeters| isbn=978-90-429-2932-6 |pages=169–211| chapter-url=https://moodle.swarthmore.edu/pluginfile.php/645723/mod_resource/content/0/Hiller%20on%20Linear%20B.pdf| access-date=12 February 2024}}
• {{cite book|last=Judson|first=Anna P.|year=2020|title=The Undeciphered Signs of Linear B: Interpretation and Scribal Practices|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn=978-1-108-85974-5|doi=10.1017/9781108859745|url=https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265630 |access-date=3 March 2023| archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230303171927/https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/265630| archive-date=3 March 2023}}
• {{cite journal| last1=Kelder| first1=Jorrit M.| author-link1=Jorrit Kelder| last2=Poelwijk| first2=Marco| year=2016| title=The Wanassa and the Damokoro: A New Interpretation of a Linear B Text from Pylos| journal=Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies| volume=56| number=4| pages=572–584| url=https://grbs.library.duke.edu/index.php/grbs/article/view/15707/6883| access-date=2 March 2024| issn=2159-3159}}
• {{cite book| last=Lane| first=Michael Franklin| date=2009| chapter=From da-mo to δήμος: Survival of a Myceneaean Land Allocation Tradition in the Classical Period| title=Forces of Transformation: The End of the Bronze Age in the Mediterranean. Proceedings of an International Symposium Held at St. John's College, University of Oxford, 25–6 March 2006| editor-last1=Bachhuber| editor-first1=Christian| editor-last2=Roberts| editor-first2=R. Gareth| pages=111–118| publisher=Oxbow Books| place=Oxford| series=Themes from the Ancient Near East| volume=1| isbn=978-1-84217-503-3}}
• {{cite book|last=Lupack |first=Susan| year=2008| title=The Role of the Religious Sector in the Economy of Late Bronze Age Greece| publisher=Archaeopress| place=Oxford| series=BAR International Series| volume=1858| isbn=978-1-4073-0341-3| url=https://www.researchgate.net/publication/340518837| via=ResearchGate| url-access=registration| access-date=13 February 2024}}
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• {{cite book|last=Middleton| first=Guy D.| year=2023| title=Women in the Ancient Mediterranean World: From the Palaeolithic to the Byzantines| publisher=Cambridge University Press| doi=10.1017/9781108646529.014}}
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• {{cite journal| last=Olivier| first=Jean-Pierre| year=1986| title=Cretan Writing in the Second Millennium BC| journal=World Archaeology| volume=17| issue=3| pages=377–389| doi=10.1080/00438243.1986.9979977| issn=1470-1375| url=https://dipot.ulb.ac.be/dspace/bitstream/2013/248436/4/53a239ae-5319-44a5-b013-69ca027964b7.txt}}
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• {{cite book| contributor-last=Palaima| contributor-first=Thomas G.| contributor-link=Thomas G. Palaima| author-last1=Sjöquist| author-first1=Karl-Eric| author-last2=Åström| author-first2=Paul| author-link2=Paul Åström| year=1985| contribution=Appendix| title=Pylos: Palmprints and Palmleaves| pages=99–107| contribution-url=https://sites.utexas.edu/scripts/files/2020/05/1985-TGP-AppendixtoPylosPalmprintsandPalmleaves.pdf| publisher=Paul Åström| place=Göteborg| isbn=91-86098-22-5| series=Studies in Mediterranean Archaeology| volume=31| access-date=13 February 2024}}
• {{cite book| author-last=Palaima| author-first=Thomas G.| author-link=Thomas G. Palaima| date=1995| chapter=The Nature of the Mycenaean Wanax: Non-Indo-European Origins and Priestly Functions| title=The Role of the Ruler in the Prehistoric Aegean: Proceedings of a Panel Discussion Presented at the Annual Meeting of the Archaeological Institute of America, New Orleans, Louisiana, 28 December 1992, with Additions| editor-last1=Rehak| editor-first1=Paul| pages=119–139| series=Aegaeum | volume=11| publisher=University of Liège| isbn=90-429-2411-X| chapter-url=https://sites.utexas.edu/scripts/files/2020/05/1995-TGP-TheNatureOfTheMycenaeanWanax.pdf}}
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• {{cite book| last=Shelmerdine| first=Cynthia W.| author-link=Cynthia W. Shelmerdine| year=2023| orig-date=1988| chapter=The Palace and its Operation| editor-last1=Davis| editor-first1=Jack L.| editor-link=Jack L. Davis| title=Sandy Pylos: An Archaeological History from Nestor to Navarino| publisher=American School of Classical Studies at Athens| place=Princeton| isbn=978-1-62139-046-6| pages=81–96}}
• {{cite journal|last=Steele| first=Philippa M.| year=2008| title=A Comparative Look at Mycenaean and Near Eastern Bureaucracies: 'Bilateral' Documentation in the Linear B Archives?| journal=Kadmos| volume=47| issue=1–2| pages=31–49| doi=10.1515/KADMOS.2008.003| url=https://www.degruyter.com/document/doi/10.1515/KADMOS.2008.003/pdf| access-date=2 March 2024| issn=0022-7498}}

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Category:Ancient Greek priestesses

Category:Ancient Messenians

Category:Mycenaean Greeks

Category:13th-century BC clergy

Category:12th-century BC clergy

Category:12th-century BC women