:Haitian Vodou

File:PortAuPrinceMarche.jpg, Haiti.]]

Vodou is a religion.{{sfnm|1a1=Desmangles|1y=1992|1p=2|2a1=Desmangles|2y=2012|2p=27|3a1=Thylefors|3y=2009|3p=74}} More specifically, scholars have characterised it as an Afro-Haitian religion,{{sfn|Germain|2011|p=254}} and as Haiti's "national religion".{{sfnm|1a1=Cosentino|1y=1996|1p=1|2a1=Michel|2y=1996|2p=293|3a1=Bellegarde-Smith|3y=2006|3p=21|4a1=Clérisme|4y=2006|4p=60}} Its main structure derives from the African traditional religions of West and Central Africa which were brought to Haiti by enslaved Africans between the 16th and 19th centuries.{{sfn|Cosentino|1995a|p=29}} Of these, the greatest influences came from the Fon and Bakongo peoples.{{sfn|Bellegarde-Smith|Michel|2006|p=xix}} On the island, these African religions mixed with the iconography of European-derived traditions such as Roman Catholicism and Freemasonry,{{sfnm|1a1=Cosentino|1y=1995a|1p=26|2a1=Derby|2y=2015|2p=396}} taking the form of Vodou around the mid-18th century.{{sfn|Derby|2015|p=397}} In combining varied influences, Vodou has often been described as syncretic,{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=324|2a1=Desmangles|2y=1990|2p=476|3a1=Desmangles|3y=1992|3p=7|4a1=Hammond|4y=2012|4p=64|5a1=Derby|5y=2015|5p=396}} a product of creolization,{{sfn|Bellegarde-Smith|2005|p=62}} or alternatively as a "symbiosis".{{sfnm|1a1=Desmangles|1y=1990|1p=476|2a1=Desmangles|2y=1992|2p=8}}

As formed in Haiti, Vodou represented "a new religion",{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=360|2a1=Mintz|2a2=Trouillot|2y=1995|2p=128}} "a creolized New World system",{{sfn|McAlister|1995|p=308}} one that differs in many ways from African traditional religions.{{sfn|Blier|1995|p=84}} The scholar Leslie Desmangles therefore called it an "African-derived tradition",{{sfn|Desmangles|1992|p=172}} Ina J. Fandrich termed it a "neo-African religion",{{sfn|Fandrich|2007|p=782}} and Markel Thylefors called it an "Afro-Latin American religion".{{sfn|Thylefors|2009|p=74}} Several other African diasporic religions found in the Americas formed in a similar way, and owing to their shared origins in West African traditional religion, Vodou has been characterized as a "sister religion" of Cuban Santería and Brazilian Candomblé.{{sfn|Johnson|2002|p=9}}

Vodou has no central institutional authority,{{sfnm|1a1=de Heusch|1y=1989|1p=292|2a1=Mintz|2a2=Trouillot|2y=1995|2p=123|3a1=Boutros|3y=2011|3p=1984}} no single leader,{{sfnm|1a1=Desmangles|1y=1990|1p=480|2a1=Brown|2y=1991|2p=221}} and no developed body of doctrine.{{sfn|Métraux |1972|p=364}} It thus has no orthodoxy,{{sfnm|1a1=Desmangles|1y=1990|1p=480|2a1=Desmangles|2y=1992|2p=63}} no central liturgy,{{sfnm|1a1=Boutros|1y=2011|1p=1984|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=118}} and no formal creed.{{sfnm|1a1=Brown|1y=1991|1p=221|2a1=Desmangles|2y=1992|2p=4}} Developing over the course of several centuries,{{sfnm|1a1=Desmangles|1y=1990|1p=480|2a1=Mintz|2a2=Trouillot|2y=1995|2p=123}} it has changed over time.{{sfn|Cosentino|1995a|p=53}} It displays variation at both the regional and local level{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1pp=19–20|2a1=Desmangles|2y=1992|2pp=4, 36|3a1=Cosentino|3y=1995a|3p=53|4a1=Mintz|4a2=Trouillot|4y=1995|4pp=123–124|5a1=Ramsey|5y=2011|5p=7}}—including variation between Haiti and the Haitian diaspora{{sfn|Ramsey|2011|p=7}}—as well as among different congregations.{{sfnm|1a1=Desmangles|1y=1992|1p=63|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=119}} It is practiced domestically, by families on their land, but also by congregations meeting communally,{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=61}} with the latter termed "temple Vodou".{{sfn|Michel|1996|p=285}}

In Haitian culture, religions are not generally deemed totally autonomous. Many Haitians thus practice both Vodou and Roman Catholicism,{{sfnm|1a1=Michel|1y=1996|1p=285|2a1=Basquiat|2y=2004|2p=1|3a1=Fernández Olmos|3a2=Paravisini-Gebert|3y=2011|3p=154}} with Vodouists usually regarding themselves as Roman Catholics.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=323|2a1=Brown|2y=1991|2pp=111, 241|3a1=Cosentino|3y=1995a|3p=36|4a1=Cosentino|4y=1995b|4pp=253, 260|5a1=Drotbohm|5y=2008|5p=34}} In Haiti, some Vodouists have also practiced Protestantism,{{sfn|Richman|2012|p=278}} Mormonism,{{sfn|Basquiat|2004|pp=25–26}} or Freemasonry;{{sfn|Cosentino|1995a|p=44}} in Cuba they have involved themselves in Santería,{{sfnm|1a1=Hagedorn|1y=2001|1p=133|2a1=Viddal|2y=2012|2p=231}} and in the United States with modern Paganism.{{sfn|Emore|2021|p=59}} Vodou has also absorbed elements from other contexts; in Cuba, some Vodouists have adopted elements from Spiritism.{{sfn|Viddal|2012|p=226}} Influenced by the Négritude movement, other Vodouists have sought to remove Roman Catholic and other European influences from their practice of Vodou.{{sfn|Cosentino|1995a|p=43}}

In English, Vodou's practitioners are termed Vodouists;{{sfnm|1a1=Cosentino|1y=1995a|1p=26|2a1=Thompson|2y=1995|2p=92|3a1=Christophe|3y=2006|3p=89}} in French and Haitian Creole, they are called {{lang|ht|Vodouisants}}{{sfnm|1a1=Desmangles|1y=1990|1p=480|2a1=Desmangles|2y=1992|2p=xii|3a1=Thylefors|3y=2009|3p=74|4a1=Derby|4y=2015|4p=399}} or {{lang|ht|Vodouyizan}}.{{sfn|McAlister|1995|p=319}} Another term for adherents is sèvitè ({{lang|ht|serviteurs}}, "devotees"),{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=120}} reflecting their self-description as people who {{lang|ht|sèvi lwa}} ("serve the {{lang|ht|lwa}}"), the supernatural beings that play a central role in Vodou.{{sfnm|1a1=Brown|1y=1991|1p=49|2a1=Bellegarde-Smith|2a2=Michel|2y=2006|2p=xx|3a1=Ramsey|3y=2011|3p=6|4a1=Hebblethwaite|4y=2015|4p=5}}

File:Houngan ceremony ritual.jpg

Many words used in the religion derive from the Fon language of West Africa;{{sfnm|1a1=Blier|1y=1995|1p=86|2a1=Cosentino|2y=1995a|2p=30}} this includes the word {{lang|ht|Vodou}} itself.{{sfnm|1a1=Cosentino|1y=1995a|1p=29|2a1=Richman|2y=2005|2p=22}} First recorded in the 1658 Doctrina Christiana,{{sfn|Blier|1995|p=61}} the Fon word {{lang|fon|Vôdoun}} was used in the West African kingdom of Dahomey to signify a spirit or deity.{{sfnm|1a1=Desmangles|1y=1992|1p=xi|2a1=Bellegarde-Smith|2a2=Michel|2y=2006|2p=xx|3a1=Ramsey|3y=2011|3pp=6–7}} In Haitian Creole, {{lang|ht|Vodou}} came to designate a specific style of dance and drumming,{{sfnm|1a1=Richman|1y=2005|1p=22|2a1=Ramsey|2y=2011|2p=7|3a1=Derby|3y=2015|3p=407}} before outsiders to the religion adopted it as a generic term for much Afro-Haitian religion.{{sfnm|1a1=Brown|1y=1995|1p=205|2a1=Richman|2y=2005|2p=22|3a1=Derby|3y=2015|3p=407}} The word {{lang|ht|Vodou}} now encompasses "a variety of Haiti's African-derived religious traditions and practices",{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=116}} incorporating "a bundle of practices that practitioners themselves do not aggregate".{{sfn|Derby|2015|p=407}} {{lang|ht|Vodou}} is thus a term primarily used by scholars and outsiders to the religion;{{sfn|Derby|2015|p=407}} many practitioners describe their belief system with the term {{lang|ht|Ginen}}, which especially denotes a moral philosophy and ethical code regarding how to live and to serve the spirits.{{sfn|Ramsey|2011|p=7}}

{{lang|ht|Vodou}} is the common spelling for the religion among scholars, in official Haitian Creole orthography, and by the United States Library of Congress.{{sfnm|1a1=Desmangles|1y=1992|1pp=xi–xii|2a1=Ramsey|2y=2011|2p=6|3a1=Ramsey|3y=2012}} Some scholars prefer the spellings Vodoun, Voudoun, or Vodun,{{sfnm|1a1=Desmangles|1y=1992|1p=xi|2a1=Bellegarde-Smith|2a2=Michel|2y=2006|2p=xxv|3a1=Ramsey|3y=2011|3p=258}} while in French the spellings {{lang|fr|vaudou}}{{sfn|Desmangles|1992|p=xii}} or {{lang|fr|vaudoux}} also appear.{{sfnm|1a1=Ramsey|1y=2011|1p=10|2a1=Derby|2y=2015|2p=407}} The spelling Voodoo, once common, is now generally avoided by practitioners and scholars when referring to the Haitian religion.{{sfn|Desmangles|1992|p=xi}} This is both to avoid confusion with Louisiana Voodoo, a related but distinct tradition,{{sfnm|1a1=Long|1y=2002|1p=87|2a1=Fandrich|2y=2007|2pp=779, 780}} and to distinguish it from the negative connotations that the term Voodoo has in Western popular culture.{{sfn|Desmangles|2012|pp=26, 27}}

File:Voodoo exhibit at the Canadian Museum of Civilization (8348740026).jpg.]]

Vodou is monotheistic,{{sfnm|1a1=Michel|1y=1996|1p=288|2a1=Bellegarde-Smith|2y=2005|2p=60|3a1=Fernández Olmos|3a2=Paravisini-Gebert|3y=2011|3p=120}} teaching the existence of a single supreme God.{{sfnm|1a1=Brown|1y=1991|1p=111|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=120|3a1=Hebblethwaite|3y=2015|3p=5}} This entity is called Bondye or Bonié,{{sfnm|1a1=Ramsey|1y=2011|1p=7|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=120}} a name deriving from the French term {{lang|fr|Bon Dieu}} ("Good God").{{sfnm|1a1=Desmangles|1y=1992|1p=168|2a1=Ramsey|2y=2011|2p=7}} Another term for this God—borrowed from Freemasonry{{sfn|Cosentino|1995a|p=44}}—is the {{lang|ht|Gran Mèt}}.{{sfnm|1a1=Desmangles|1y=1992|1p=160|2a1=Ramsey|2y=2011|2p=7|3a1=Fernández Olmos|3a2=Paravisini-Gebert|3y=2011|3p=120}} For Vodouists, Bondye is the ultimate source of power,{{sfn|Desmangles|1992|p=97}} the creator of the universe,{{sfnm|1a1=Desmangles|1y=1992|1p=159|2a1=Fleurant|2y=2006|2p=47}} and the maintainer of cosmic order.{{sfn|Desmangles|1992|p=96}} Haitians frequently use the phrase {{lang|ht|si Bondye vle}} ("if Bondye wishes"), suggesting a belief that all things occur in accordance with this divinity's will.{{sfnm|1a1=Desmangles|1y=1992|1p=161|2a1=Ramsey|2y=2011|2p=7}} Vodouists regard Bondye as being transcendent and remote;{{sfnm|1a1=Desmangles|1y=1992|1pp=4, 162|2a1=Ramsey|2y=2011|2p=7}} as the God is uninvolved in human affairs,{{sfnm|1a1=Brown|1y=1991|1p=6|2a1=Desmangles|2y=1992|2p=168}} they see little point in approaching it directly.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=82}} While Vodouists often equate Bondye with the Christian God,{{sfn|Brown|1991|p=111}} Vodou does not incorporate belief in a powerful antagonist that opposes the supreme being akin to the Christian notion of Satan.{{sfn|Hebblethwaite|2015|p=5}}

Vodou has also been characterized as polytheistic.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=82}} It teaches the existence of beings called the {{lang|ht|lwa}},{{sfnm|1a1=Desmangles|1y=1992|1p=3|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2pp=117, 120}} a term varyingly translated into English as "spirits", "gods", or "geniuses".{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=84}} These {{lang|ht|lwa}} are also known as the {{lang|ht|mystères}}, {{lang|ht|anges}}, {{lang|ht|saints}}, and {{lang|ht|les invisibles}},{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=120}} and are sometimes equated with the angels of Christian cosmology.{{sfn|Brown|1991|p=111}} Vodou teaches that there are over a thousand {{lang|ht|lwa}}.{{sfn|Desmangles|1992|p=98}} Serving as Bondye's intermediaries,{{sfnm|1a1=Brown|1y=1991|1p=4|2a1=Michel|2y=1996|2p=288|3a1=Ramsey|3y=2011|3p=7}} they communicate with humans through their dreams or by directly possessing them.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|pp=66, 120}} Vodouists believe the {{lang|ht|lwa}} are capable of offering people help, protection, and counsel in return for ritual service.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1pp=95, 96|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=117}} Each {{lang|ht|lwa}} has its own personality,{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=120}} and is associated with specific colors,{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=92|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=120}} days of the week,{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=92}} and objects.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=120}} Particular {{lang|ht|lwa}} are also associated with specific human family lineages.{{sfn|Richman|2005|p=23}} These spirits are not seen as moral exemplars for practitioners to imitate.{{sfn|Brown|1991|p=6}} The {{lang|ht|lwa}} can be either loyal or capricious in their dealings with their devotees;{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=120}} they are easily offended, for instance if offered food they dislike.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=97}} When angered, the {{lang|ht|lwa}} are believed to remove their protection from their devotees, or to inflict misfortune, illness, or madness on an individual.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=99|2a1=Richman|2y=2005|2p=23}}

Although there are exceptions, most {{lang|ht|lwa}} derive their names from the Fon and Yoruba languages and originated as deities venerated in West or Central Africa.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=28}} New {{lang|ht|lwa}} are nevertheless added to the pantheon, with both talismans and certain humans thought capable of becoming {{lang|ht|lwa}},{{sfn|Métraux|1972|pp=84–85}} in the latter case through their strength of personality or power.{{sfn|McAlister|2002|p=91}} Vodouists often refer to the {{lang|ht|lwa}} living in the sea or in rivers,{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=92}} or alternatively in Ginen,{{sfn|Richman|2005|p=23}} a term encompassing a generalized understanding of Africa as the ancestral land of the Haitian people.{{sfn|Houlberg|1995|pp=267–268}}

File:Damballah La Flambeau.jpg. Hyppolite was himself an {{lang|ht|oungan}}{{sfn|Christophe|2006|p=86}}]]

The {{lang|ht|lwa}} divide into {{lang|ht|nanchon}} or "nations".{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=87|2a1=Brown|2y=1991|2p=100|3a1=Desmangles|3y=1992|3p=94|4a1=Fernández Olmos|4a2=Paravisini-Gebert|4y=2011|4p=120}} This classificatory system derives from the way in which enslaved Africans were divided into "nations" upon their arrival in Haiti, usually based on their African port of departure rather than their ethno-cultural identity.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=120}} The term {{lang|ht|fanmi}} (family) is sometimes used synonymously with {{lang|ht|nanchon}} or alternatively as a sub-division of the latter category.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=87}} It is often claimed that there are 17 {{lang|ht|nanchon}},{{sfnm|1a1=Desmangles|1y=1992|1p=94|2a1=Houlberg|2y=1995|2p=279}} of which the Rada and the Petwo are the largest and most dominant.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1pp=39, 86|2a1=Brown|2y=1991|2p=100|3a1=Apter|3y=2002|3p=238|4a1=Fernández Olmos|4a2=Paravisini-Gebert|4y=2011|4p=121}}

The Rada {{lang|ht|lwa}} are seen as being 'cool'; the Petwo {{lang|ht|lwa}} as 'hot'.{{sfnm|1a1=Apter|1y=2002|1p=238|2a1=McAlister|2y=2002|2p=87|3a1=Christophe|3y=2006|3p=88}} This means that the Rada are {{lang|ht|dous}} or {{lang|ht|doux}}, or sweet-tempered, while the Petwo are {{lang|ht|lwa cho}}, indicating that they can be forceful or violent and are associated with fire.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=125}} Whereas the Rada are generally righteous, their Petwo counterparts are more morally ambiguous and associated with issues like money.{{sfn|Apter|2002|p=239}} The Rada owe more to Dahomeyan and Yoruba influences;{{sfnm|1a1=McAlister|1y=2002|1p=87|2a1=Fleurant|2y=2006|2p=47}} their name probably comes from Arada, a city in the Dahomey kingdom of West Africa.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=39|2a1=Desmangles|2y=1992|2p=95}} The Petwo derive largely from Kongo religion,{{sfnm|1a1=de Heusch|1y=1989|1p=293|2a1=McAlister|2y=1995|2p=308|3a1=McAlister|3y=2002|3p=87|4a1=Fleurant|4y=2006|4p=47}} although also exhibit Dahomeyan and creolised influences.{{sfn|Apter|2002|p=248}} Some {{lang|ht|lwa}} exist {{lang|ht|andezo}} or {{lang|ht|en deux eaux}}, meaning that they are "in two waters" and are served in both Rada and Petwo rituals.{{sfnm|1a1=Fleurant|1y=2006|1p=47|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=125}}

Vodou teaches that there are over a thousand {{lang|ht|lwa}},{{sfn|Desmangles|1992|p=98}} although certain ones are especially widely venerated.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=100}} In Rada ceremonies, the first {{lang|ht|lwa}} saluted is Papa Legba, also known as Legba.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=101|2a2=McAlister|2y=2002|2p=92|3a1=Fernández Olmos|3a2=Paravisini-Gebert|3y=2011|3p=125}} Depicted as a feeble old man wearing rags and using a crutch,{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=102|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=125}} Papa Legba is the protector of gates and fences and thus of the home, as well as of roads, paths, and crossroads.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=101|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=125}} In Petwo rites, the first {{lang|ht|lwa}} invoked is usually Mèt Kalfou.{{sfn|McAlister|2002|p=97}} The second {{lang|ht|lwa}} usually greeted are the Marasa or sacred twins.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=132}} In Vodou, every {{lang|ht|nanchon}} has its own Marasa,{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=133}} reflecting a belief that twins have special powers.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1pp=146–149|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=132}} Another important {{lang|ht|lwa}} is Agwe, also known as Agwe-taroyo, who is associated with aquatic life and is the protector of ships and fishermen.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=102|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=126}} Agwe is believed to rule the sea with his consort, La Sirène.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=126}} She is a mermaid, and is sometimes described as Èzili of the Waters because she is believed to bring good luck and wealth from the sea.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|pp=126–127}} Also given the name Èzili is Èzili Freda or Erzuli Freda, the {{lang|ht|lwa}} of love and luxury who personifies feminine beauty and grace,{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=110|2a1=Brown|2y=1991|2p=220|3a1=Fernández Olmos|3a2=Paravisini-Gebert|3y=2011|3p=129}} and Ezili Dantor, who takes the form of a peasant woman.{{sfnm|1a1=Brown|1y=1991|1p=220|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=131}}

File:VeveBaronSamedi.svg

Azaka is the {{lang|ht|lwa}} of crops and agriculture,{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=108|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=127}} usually addressed as "Papa" or "Cousin".{{sfnm|1a1=Brown|1y=1991|1p=36|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=127}} His consort is the female {{lang|ht|lwa}} Kouzinn.{{sfn|Brown|1991|p=156}} Loco is the {{lang|ht|lwa}} of vegetation, and because he is seen to give healing properties to various plant species is considered the {{lang|ht|lwa}} of healing too.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|pp=107–108}} Ogou is a warrior {{lang|ht|lwa}},{{sfnm|1a1=Brown|1y=1991|1p=95|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=131}} associated with weapons.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=109|2a1=Brown|2y=1991|2p=101}} Sogbo is a {{lang|ht|lwa}} associated with lightning,{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=106}} while his companion, Bade, is associated with the wind.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|pp=106–107}} Danbala is a serpent {{lang|ht|lwa}} and is associated with water, being believed to frequent rivers, springs, and marshes;{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=105|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=127}} he is one of the most popular deities in the pantheon.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=127}} Danbala and his consort Ayida-Weddo are often depicted as a pair of intertwining snakes.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=105|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=127}} The Simbi are understood as the guardians of fountains and marshes.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=105}}

Usually seen as a {{lang|ht|fanmi}} rather than a {{lang|ht|nanchon}},{{sfn|Cosentino|1995c|pp=405–406}} the Gede are associated with the realm of the dead.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=112|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=128}} The head of the family is Baron Samedi ("Baron Saturday");{{sfnm|1a1=Brown|1y=1991|1p=198|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=128}} he is associated with the phallus, the skull, and the graveyard cross,{{sfn|Smith|2012|p=125}} the latter used to mark out his presence in a Haitian cemetery.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=257|2a1=McAlister|2y=2002|2p=99}} His consort is Gran Brigit,{{sfnm|1a1=Brown|1y=1991|1p=380|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=128|3a1=Smith|3y=2012|3p=139}} who has authority over cemeteries and is mother to many of the other Gede.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=114}} The Gede regularly satirise the ruling authorities,{{sfn|McAlister|2002|p=60}} and are welcomed to rituals as they are thought to bring merriment.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=112|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=128}} The Gede's symbol is an erect penis,{{sfn|Beasley|2010|p=43}} while the {{lang|ht|banda}} dance associated with them involves sexual-style thrusting,{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=113|2a1=Cosentino|2y=1995a|2p=52|3a1=Cosentino|3y=1995c|3p=403|4a1=Conner|4y=2005|4p=152}} and those possessed by these lwa typically make sexual innuendos.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=113|2a1=Brown|2y=1991|2pp=357–358}}

Most {{lang|ht|lwa}} are associated with specific Roman Catholic saints.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=324|2a1=Brendbekken|2y=2002|2p=42|3a1=Fleurant|3y=2006|3p=47|4a1=Ramsey|4y=2011|4p=8}} These particular links rely on analogies between the respective functions of these figures;{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=326|2a1=Bellegarde-Smith|2y=2005|2p=62}} Azaka, the {{lang|ht|lwa}} of agriculture, is for instance associated with Saint Isidore the farmer.{{sfnm|1a1=Brown|1y=1991|1p=61|2a1=Ramsey|2y=2011|2p=8}} Similarly, because he is understood as the "key" to the spirit world, Papa Legba is typically associated with Saint Peter, who is traditionally depicted holding keys in Roman Catholic imagery.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=101|2a1=Desmangles|2y=1992|2p=11}} The {{lang|ht|lwa}} of love and luxury, Èzili Freda, is associated with Mater Dolorosa.{{sfnm|1a1=Cosentino|1y=1995a|1p=35|2a1=Ramsey|2y=2011|2p=8|3a1=Fernández Olmos|3a2=Paravisini-Gebert|3y=2011|3pp=130–131}} Danbala the serpent is often equated with Saint Patrick, who is traditionally depicted with snakes, or with Moses, whose staff turned into serpents according to the Book of Exodus.{{sfnm|1a1=Brown|1y=1991|1p=275|2a1=Desmangles|2y=1992|2pp=10–11, 130|3a1=Fernández Olmos|3a2=Paravisini-Gebert|3y=2011|3pp=127–128}} The Marasa, or sacred twins, are typically equated with the twin saints Cosmos and Damian.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=146|2a1=Houlberg|2y=1995|2p=271|3a1=Fernández Olmos|3a2=Paravisini-Gebert|3y=2011|3p=133}}

Vodouists may originally have adopted the Roman Catholic saints to conceal {{lang|ht|lwa}} worship when the latter was illegal during the colonial period.{{sfnm|1a1=Desmangles|1y=1990|1p=475|2a1=Drotbohm|2y=2008|2p=36}} By at least the late 20th century, many Vodouists came to express genuine devotion to the Roman Catholic saints,{{sfn|Cosentino|1995b|p=253}} with the scholar Marc A. Christophe stating that most modern Vodouists genuinely see the saints and {{lang|ht|lwa}} as one, reflecting Vodou's "all-inclusive and harmonizing characteristics".{{sfn|Christophe|2006|p=95}} Many Vodouists possess chromolithographic prints of the saints,{{sfn|Cosentino|1995b|p=253}} while images of these Christian figures can also be found on temple walls,{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=324|2a1=Brown|2y=1995|2p=215}} and on the {{lang|ht|drapo}} flags used in Vodou ritual.{{sfn|Polk|1995|pp=326–327}} Vodouists also often adopt and reinterpret biblical stories and theorise about the nature of Jesus of Nazareth.{{sfn|McAlister|2002|pp=127–128}} Catholic and Vodou identity is sufficiently intertwined that a Haitian proverb maintains that "{{lang|ht|pou sevi lwa yo se pou'w bon katolik}}" ("you have to be a good Catholic

to serve the spirits").{{sfn|Drotbohm|2008|p=37}}

File:Voodoo Banner.jpg

Vodou holds that Bondye created humanity in its image, fashioning humans from water and clay.{{sfn|Desmangles|1992|p=64}} It teaches the existence of a soul, usually called the {{lang|ht|nanm}},{{sfnm|1a1=McAlister|1y=1995|1p=317|2a1=McAlister|2y=2002|2p=103|3a1=Beauvoir|3y=2006|3p=126}} or sometimes the {{lang|ht|espri}},{{sfn|Desmangles|1992|p=66}} which is divided in two parts.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1pp=155–156|2a1=Desmangles|2y=1992|2p=66|3a1=Fernández Olmos|3a2=Paravisini-Gebert|3y=2011|3p=134}} One of these is the {{lang|ht|ti bonnanj}} ("little good angel"), understood as the conscience that allows an individual to engage in self-reflection and self-criticism. The other part is the {{lang|ht|gwo bonnanj}} ("big good angel") and this constitutes the psyche, source of memory, intelligence, and personhood.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1pp=155–156|2a1=Brown|2y=1987|2p=69|3a1=Desmangles|3y=1992|3pp=66–67|4a1=McAlister|4y=2002|4p=103|5a1=Fernández Olmos|5a2=Paravisini-Gebert|5y=2011|5p=134}} Both parts are believed to reside within an individual's head,{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=134}} although the {{lang|ht|gwo bonnanj}} is thought capable of leaving the head and travelling while a person sleeps.{{sfn|Brown|1991|p=61}}

Vodouists believe that every individual is connected to a specific {{lang|ht|lwa}}, regarded as their {{lang|ht|mèt tèt}} (master of the head).{{sfnm|1a1=Brown|1y=1987|1p=70|2a1=Brown|2y=1991|2p=112|3a1=Wilcken|3y=2005|3p=196|4a1=Fernández Olmos|4a2=Paravisini-Gebert|4y=2011|4p=134}} They believe that this {{lang|ht|lwa}} informs the individual's personality.{{sfn|Brown|1991|p=112}} Vodou holds that the identity of a person's tutelary {{lang|ht|lwa}} can be identified through divination or by consulting {{lang|ht|lwa}} when they possess other humans.{{sfn|Brown|1991|p=133}} Some of the religion's priests and priestesses are deemed to have "the gift of eyes", capable of seeing the identity of a person's tutelary {{lang|ht|lwa}}.{{sfn|Brown|1991|pp=133–134}}

Vodou holds that Bondye has preordained the time of everyone's death,{{sfn|McAlister|1995|p=314}} but does not teach the existence of an afterlife realm akin to the Christian ideas of heaven and hell.{{sfnm|1a1=Brown|1y=1991|1pp=242, 309|2a1=Michel|2y=2001|2p=68}} Instead, a common belief is that at bodily death, the {{lang|ht|gwo bonnanj}} join the Ginen, or ancestral spirits, while the {{lang|ht|ti bonnanj}} proceeds to face judgement before Bondye.{{sfn|Desmangles|1992|pp=68–69}} This idea of judgement is more common in urban areas, having been influenced by Roman Catholicism, while in the Haitian mountains it is more common for Vodouists to believe that the {{lang|ht|ti bonnanj}} dissolves into the navel of the earth nine days after death.{{sfn|Desmangles|1992|p=75}} The land of the Ginen is often identified as being located beneath the sea, under the earth, or above the sky.{{sfn|Desmangles|1992|p=69}} Some Vodouists believe that the {{lang|ht|gwo bonnanj}} stays in the land of the Ginen for a year and a day before being absorbed into the Gede family.{{sfn|Desmangles|1992|pp=70–71}} However, Vodouists usually distinguish the spirits of the dead from the Gede proper, for the latter are {{lang|ht|lwa}}.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=112}} Vodou also teaches that the dead continue to participate in human affairs,{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=82|2a1=Brown|2y=1991|2p=242}} with these spirits often complaining that they suffer from hunger, cold, and damp,{{sfn|Brown|1991|p=242}} and thus requiring sacrifices from the living.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=82}}

{{See also|Haitian Vodou and sexual orientation}}

Vodou ethical standards correspond to its sense of cosmological order,{{sfn|Desmangles|1992|p=96}} with a belief in the interdependence of things playing a role in Vodou approaches to ethical issues.{{sfn|Michel|2001|p=78}} Serving the {{lang|ht|lwa}} is central to Vodou and its moral codes reflect the reciprocal relationship that practitioners have with these spirits;{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=140}} for Vodouists, virtue is maintained by ensuring a responsible relationship with the {{lang|ht|lwa}}.{{sfn|Brown|1991|p=6}} Vodou also promotes a belief in destiny, although individuals are still deemed to have freedom of choice.{{sfn|Desmangles|1992|p=111}} This view of destiny has been interpreted as encouraging a fatalistic outlook,{{sfn|Desmangles|1992|p=161}} something that the religion's critics, especially from Christian backgrounds, have argued has discouraged Vodouists from improving their society.{{sfnm|1a1=Germain|1y=2011|1p=256|2a1=Hebblethwaite|2y=2015|2p=3, 4}} This has been extended into an argument that Vodou is responsible for Haiti's poverty,{{sfn|Hebblethwaite|2015|p=4}} a view that in turn has been accused of being rooted in European colonial prejudices towards Africans.{{sfn|Hebblethwaite|2015|pp=15–16}}

File:VeveLegba.svg, one of the main {{lang|ht|lwa}} spirits worshipped in Haitian Vodou]]

Although Vodou permeates every aspect of its adherent's lives,{{sfnm|1a1=Michel|1y=2001|1pp=67–68|2a1=Ramsey|2y=2011|2p=11}} it offers no prescriptive code of ethics.{{sfnm|1a1=Michel|1y=1996|1p=282|2a1=Michel|2y=2001|2p=71}} Rather than being rule-based, Vodou morality is deemed contextual to the situation,{{sfn|Brown|1991|p=241}} with no clear binary division between good and evil.{{sfn|Mintz|Trouillot|1995|p=131}} Vodou reflects people's everyday concerns, focusing on techniques for mitigating illness and misfortune;{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=60}} doing what one needs to in order to survive is considered a high ethic.{{sfn|Brown|1991|pp=242, 254}} Among Vodouists, a moral person is regarded as someone who lives in tune with their character and that of their tutelary {{lang|ht|lwa}}.{{sfn|Brown|1991|p=241}} In general, acts that reinforce Bondye's power are deemed good; those that undermine it are seen as bad.{{sfn|Desmangles|1992|p=96}} {{lang|ht|Maji}}, meaning the use of supernatural powers for self-serving and malevolent ends, are usually thought bad.{{sfn|Ramsey|2011|p=9}} The term is quite flexible; it is usually used to denigrate other Vodouists, although some practitioners have used it as a self-descriptor in reference to Petwo rites.{{sfn|Brown|1991|p=188}}

The extended family is of importance in Haitian society,{{sfn|Brown|1991|p=13}} with Vodou reinforcing family ties,{{sfn|Brown|1991|p=132}} and emphasising respect for the elderly.{{sfn|Michel|2001|p=75}} Although there are accounts of male Vodou priests mistreating their female followers,{{sfn|Brown|1991|p=220}} in the religion women can also lay claim to moral authority as social and spiritual leaders.{{sfn|Michel|2001|p=62}} Vodou is also considered sympathetic to gay people,{{sfn|McAlister|2002|p=76}} with many gay and bisexual individuals holding status as Vodou priests and priestesses,{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=64|2a1=Conner|2y=2005|2p=153|3a1=Michel|3a2=Bellegarde-Smith|3a3=Racine-Toussaint|3y=2006|3p=80}} and some groups having largely gay congregations.{{sfnm|1a1=McAlister|1y=2002|1p=75|2a1=Conner|2y=2005|2p=153}} Some Vodouists state that the {{lang|ht|lwa}} determine a person's sexual orientation.{{sfnm|1a1=McAlister|1y=1998|1p=137|2a1=Hammond|2y=2012|2p=72}} The {{lang|ht|lwa}} Èzili Dantò is sometimes regarded as a lesbian,{{sfnm|1a1=McAlister|1y=1998|1p=137|2a1=Conner|2y=2005|2p=146}} and forms of Èzili are also seen as the patron of {{lang|ht|masisi}} (gay men).{{sfnm|1a1=Cosentino|1y=1995a|1p=35|2a1=Conner|2y=2005|2p=146|3a1=Smith|3y=2012|3p=129}}

The anthropologist Alfred Métraux described Vodou as "a practical and utilitarian religion".{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=92}} Its practices largely revolve around interactions with the {{lang|ht|lwa}},{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=124}} and incorporate song, drumming, dance, prayer, spirit possession, and animal sacrifice.{{sfnm|1a1=Basquiat|1y=2004|1p=8|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=117}} Practitioners gather together for {{lang|ht|sèvices}} (services) in which they commune with the {{lang|ht|lwa}}.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=168|2a1=Ramsey|2y=2011|2p=8}} Ceremonies for a particular {{lang|ht|lwa}} often coincide with the feast day of the Roman Catholic saint which that {{lang|ht|lwa}} is associated with.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=329|2a1=Desmangles|2y=1992|2p=8|3a1=Ramsey|3y=2011|3p=8}} The mastery of ritual forms is considered imperative in Vodou.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=141}} The purpose of ritual is to {{lang|ht|echofe}} ("heat things up"), thus bringing about change, whether that be to remove barriers or to facilitate healing.{{sfn|Brown|1991|p=134}} Ritual activities are often termed travay (work).{{sfn|Drotbohm|2008|p=34}}

Secrecy is important in Vodou.{{sfnm|1a1=Brown|1y=1991|1p=378|2a1=Boutros|2y=2011|2p=188}} It is an initiatory tradition,{{sfn|Boutros|2011|p=188}} operating through a system of graded induction or initiation.{{sfn|Apter|2002|p=239}} When an individual agrees to serve a {{lang|ht|lwa}}, it is deemed a lifelong commitment.{{sfn|Brown|1991|pp=166–167}}

Vodou has a strong oral culture, and its teachings are primarily disseminated through oral transmission,{{sfn|Hebblethwaite|2015|p=12}} although many practitioners began to use texts after they appeared in the mid-20th century.{{sfn|Hebblethwaite|2015|p=13}} The terminology used in Vodou ritual is called {{lang|ht|langaj}}.{{sfnm|1a1=Cosentino|1y=1995a|1p=32|2a1=Fleurant|2y=2006|2p=50}} Unlike in Santería and Candomblé, which employ Yoruba as a liturgical language not understood by most practitioners, in Vodou the liturgies are predominantly in Haitian Creole, the everyday language of most Vodouists.{{sfn|Bellegarde-Smith|2006|p=26}}

File:Antique ceremonial suit for Haitian Vodou Voudun rites.jpg, Germany]]

Male priests are referred to as an {{lang|ht|oungan}}, alternatively spelled {{lang|ht|houngan}} or {{lang|ht|hungan}},{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=36|2a1=Brown|2y=1991|2p=4|3a1=Ramsey|3y=2011|3p=7|4a1=Fernández Olmos|4a2=Paravisini-Gebert|4y=2011|4p=11|5a1=Hebblethwaite|5y=2015|5p=13}} or a {{lang|ht|prèt Vodou}} ("Vodou priest").{{sfn|McAlister|1995|p=318}} Priestesses are termed {{lang|ht|manbo}}, alternatively spelled {{lang|ht|mambo}}.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=36|2a1=Brown|2y=1991|2p=4|3a1=Ramsey|3y=2011|3p=7|4a1=Fernández Olmos|4a2=Paravisini-Gebert|4y=2011|4p=121|5a1=Hebblethwaite|5y=2015|5p=13}} {{lang|ht|Oungan}} numerically dominate in rural Haiti, while there is a more equitable balance of priests and priestesses in urban areas.{{sfn|Brown|1991|p=221}} The {{lang|ht|oungan}} and {{lang|ht|manbo}} are tasked with organising liturgies, preparing initiations, offering consultations with clients using divination, and preparing remedies for the sick.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=121}} There is no priestly hierarchy, with {{lang|ht|oungan}} and {{lang|ht|manbo}} being largely self-sufficient.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=121}} In many cases, the role is hereditary.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=67}} Historical evidence suggests that the role of the {{lang|ht|oungan}} and {{lang|ht|manbo}} intensified over the course of the 20th century.{{sfn|Ramsey|2011|pp=7–8}} As a result, "temple Vodou" is now more common in rural areas of Haiti than it was in historical periods.{{sfn|Ramsey|2011|p=8}}

Vodou teaches that the {{lang|ht|lwa}} call an individual to become an {{lang|ht|oungan}} or {{lang|ht|manbo}},{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=65}} and if the latter refuses then misfortune may befall them.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=66|2a1=Brown|2y=1991|2p=131}} A prospective {{lang|ht|oungan}} or {{lang|ht|manbo}} must normally rise through the other roles in a Vodou congregation before undergoing an apprenticeship with a pre-existing {{lang|ht|oungan}} or {{lang|ht|manbo}} lasting several months or years.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=68}} After this apprenticeship, they undergo an initiation ceremony, the details of which are kept secret from non-initiates.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=69}} Other {{lang|ht|oungan}} and {{lang|ht|manbo}} do not undergo any apprenticeship, but claim that they have gained their training directly from the {{lang|ht|lwa}}.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=68|2a1=Brown|2y=1991|2p=224}} Their authenticity is often challenged, and they are referred to as {{lang|ht|hungan-macoutte}}, a term bearing some disparaging connotations.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=68}} Becoming an {{lang|ht|oungan}} or {{lang|ht|manbo}} is expensive, often requiring the purchase of ritual paraphernalia and land on which to build a temple.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=73}} To finance this, many save up for a long time.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=73}}

Vodouists believe that the {{lang|ht|oungan}}'s role is modelled on the {{lang|ht|lwa}} Loco;{{sfnm|1a1=Brown|1y=1991|1p=55|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2pp=122–123}} in Vodou mythology, he was the first {{lang|ht|oungan}} and his consort Ayizan the first {{lang|ht|manbo}}.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=123}} The {{lang|ht|oungan}} and {{lang|ht|manbo}} are expected to display the power of second sight,{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|pp=121–122}} something regarded as a gift from Bondye that can be revealed to the individual through visions or dreams.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=122}} Many priests and priestesses are often attributed fantastical powers in stories told about them,{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=63}} and may bolster their status with claims to have received revelations from the {{lang|ht|lwa}}, sometimes via visits to the {{lang|ht|lwa}}'s own abode.{{sfn|Apter|2002|pp=239–240}}

There is often bitter competition between different {{lang|ht|oungan}} and {{lang|ht|manbo}}.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=76}} Their main income derives from healing the sick, supplemented with payments received for overseeing initiations and selling talismans and amulets.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=75}} In many cases, {{lang|ht|oungan}} and {{lang|ht|manbo}} become wealthier than their clients.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=74}} {{lang|ht|Oungan}} and {{lang|ht|manbo}} are generally powerful and well-respected members of Haitian society.{{sfn|Michel|1996|p=287}} Being an {{lang|ht|oungan}} or {{lang|ht|manbo}} provides an individual with both social status and material profit,{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=64}} although the fame and reputation of individual priests and priestesses can vary widely.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|pp=62–63}} Respected Vodou priests and priestesses are often literate in a society where semi-literacy and illiteracy are common.{{sfn|Hebblethwaite|2015|p=14}} They can recite from printed texts and write letters for illiterate members of their community.{{sfn|Hebblethwaite|2015|p=14}}

Owing to their prominence in a community, the {{lang|ht|oungan}} and {{lang|ht|manbo}} can effectively become political leaders,{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=122}} or otherwise exert an influence on local politics.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=64}}

A Vodou temple is called an {{lang|ht|ounfò}},{{sfnm|1a1=Ramsey|1y=2011|1p=17|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=117}} varyingly spelled {{lang|ht|hounfò}},{{sfnm|1a1=Michel|1y=1996|1p=284|2a1=Germain|2y=2011|2p=254}} {{lang|ht|hounfort}},{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=117}} or {{lang|ht|humfo}}.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=61}} An alternative term is {{lang|ht|gangan}}, although the connotations of this term vary regionally in Haiti.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=62}} Most communal Vodou activities centre around this {{lang|ht|ounfò}},{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=123}} forming what is called "temple Vodou".{{sfn|Michel|1996|p=285}} The size and shape of {{lang|ht|ounfòs}} vary, from basic shacks to more lavish structures, the latter being more common in Port-au-Prince.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=123}} Their designs are dependent on the resources and tastes of the {{lang|ht|oungan}} or {{lang|ht|manbo}} running them.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=77}} Each {{lang|ht|ounfò}} is autonomous,{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=19|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=121}} and often has its own unique customs.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=19}}

File:VOODOO PERISTILE Croix des Mission, Haiti 1980.jpg, Haiti, photographed in 1980]]

The main ceremonial room in the {{lang|ht|ounfò}} is the {{lang|ht|peristil}},{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=77|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=123}} understood as a microcosmic representation of the cosmos.{{sfn|Desmangles|1992|p=105}} In the {{lang|ht|peristil}}, brightly painted posts hold up the roof;{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=77|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=124}} the central post is the {{lang|ht|poto mitan}},{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=77|2a1=Wilcken|2y=2005|2p=194|3a1=Fernández Olmos|3a2=Paravisini-Gebert|3y=2011|3p=124}} which is used as a pivot during ritual dances and the pillar through which the {{lang|ht|lwa}} enter the room during ceremonies.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=77|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=124}} It is around this central post that offerings, including both {{lang|ht|vèvè}} patterns and animal sacrifices, are made.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=124}} However, in the Haitian diaspora many Vodouists perform their rites in basements, where no {{lang|ht|poto mitan}} are available.{{sfn|Wilcken|2005|p=194}} The {{lang|ht|peristil}} typically has an earthen floor, allowing libations to the {{lang|ht|lwa}} to drain directly into the soil;{{sfn|Brown|1991|p=37}} where this is not possible, libations are poured into an enamel basin.{{sfn|Brown|1991|pp=55, 377–378}} Some {{lang|ht|peristil}} include seating around the walls.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=78}}

Adjacent rooms in the {{lang|ht|ounfò}} include the {{lang|ht|caye-mystéres}}, also known as the {{lang|ht|bagi}}, {{lang|ht|badji}}, or {{lang|ht|sobadji}}.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=79|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=124}} This is where stonework altars, known as {{lang|ht|pè}}, stand against the wall or are arranged in tiers.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=79|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=124}} Also present may be a sink dedicated to the {{lang|ht|lwa}} Danbala-Wedo.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=104|2a1=de Heusch|2y=1989|2p=296|3a1=Fernández Olmos|3a2=Paravisini-Gebert|3y=2011|3p=124}} The {{lang|ht|caye-mystéres}} is also used to store clothing that will be worn by those possessed by the {{lang|ht|lwa}} during rituals.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=80|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=124}} If space is available, the {{lang|ht|ounfò}} may also have a room set aside for the patron {{lang|ht|lwa}} of that temple.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=80}} Many {{lang|ht|ounfòs}} have a room known as the {{lang|ht|djévo}} in which the initiate is confined during their initiatory ceremony.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=80|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=124}} Every {{lang|ht|ounfò}} usually has a room or corner of a room devoted to Erzuli Freda.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=110|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=130}} Some {{lang|ht|ounfò}} will also have additional rooms in which the {{lang|ht|oungan}} or {{lang|ht|manbo}} lives.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=80}}

The area around the {{lang|ht|ounfò}} often contains objects dedicated to particular {{lang|ht|lwa}}, such as a pool of water for Danbala, a black cross for Baron Samedi, and a {{lang|ht|pince}} (iron bar) embedded in a brazier for Criminel.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|pp=80–81}} Sacred trees, known as {{lang|ht|arbres-reposoirs}}, sometimes mark the {{lang|ht|ounfò}}'s external boundary.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=81}} Hanging from these trees can be found {{lang|ht|macounte}} straw sacks, strips of material, and animal skulls.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=81}} Various animals, particularly birds but also some mammal species such as goats, are sometimes kept within the perimeter of the {{lang|ht|ounfò}} for use as sacrifices.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=81}}

File:JacmelVodou.jpg, Haiti]]

Forming a spiritual community of practitioners,{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=124}} the {{lang|ht|ounfò}}'s congregation are known as the {{lang|ht|pititt-caye}} (children of the house).{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1pp=18, 193|2a1=Brown|2y=1991|2p=37|3a1=Fernández Olmos|3a2=Paravisini-Gebert|3y=2011|3p=122}} They worship under the authority of an {{lang|ht|oungan}} or {{lang|ht|manbo}},{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=61}} below whom is ranked the {{lang|ht|ounsi}}, individuals who make a lifetime commitment to serving the {{lang|ht|lwa}}.{{sfnm|1a1=Brown|1y=1991|1p=324|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=122}} Members of either sex can join the {{lang|ht|ounsi}}, although most are female.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=69|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=123}} The {{lang|ht|ounsi}}'s duties include cleaning the {{lang|ht|peristil}}, sacrificing animals, and taking part in the dances at which they must be prepared to be possessed by a {{lang|ht|lwa}}.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=70}} The {{lang|ht|oungan}} and {{lang|ht|manbo}} conduct initiatory ceremonies whereby people become {{lang|ht|ounsi}},{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=122}} oversee their training,{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=123}} and act as their counsellor, healer, and protector.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=71}} In turn, the {{lang|ht|ounsi}} are expected to be obedient to their {{lang|ht|oungan}} or {{lang|ht|manbo}}.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=70}}

One of the {{lang|ht|ounsi}} becomes the {{lang|ht|hungenikon}} or {{lang|ht|reine-chanterelle}}, the mistress of the choir. They are responsible for overseeing the liturgical singing and shaking the {{lang|ht|chacha}} rattle which dictates the rhythm during ceremonies.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=71|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=123}} They are aided by the {{lang|ht|hungenikon-la-place}}, {{lang|ht|commandant general de la place}}, or quartermaster, who is charged with overseeing offerings and keeping order during the rites.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=123}} Another figure is {{lang|ht|le confiance}} (the confidant), the {{lang|ht|ounsi}} who oversees the {{lang|ht|ounfò}}'s administrative functions.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=72|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=123}} Congregants often form a {{lang|ht|sosyete soutyen}} ({{lang|fr|société soutien}}, support society), through which subscriptions are paid to help maintain the {{lang|ht|ounfò}} and organize the major religious feasts.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=72}} Another ritual figure sometimes present is the {{lang|ht|prèt savann}} ("bush priest"), a man with a knowledge of Latin who is capable of administering Catholic baptisms, weddings, and the last rites, and who is willing to perform these at Vodou ceremonies.{{sfn|McAlister|1998|pp=142-143}}

In rural areas especially, a congregation may consist of an extended family.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=121}} Here, the priest will often be the patriarch of that family.{{sfn|Brown|1991|p=10}} Families, particularly in rural areas, often believe that through their {{lang|ht|zansèt}} (ancestors) they are tied to a {{lang|ht|premye mèt bitasyon}} (original founder); their descent from this figure is seen as giving them their inheritance both of the land and of familial spirits.{{sfn|Ramsey|2011|p=7}}

In other examples, particularly in urban areas, an {{lang|ht|ounfò}} can act as an initiatory family.{{sfnm|1a1=Brown|1y=1995|1p=207|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=121|3a1=Hebblethwaite|3y=2015|3p=13}} A priest becomes the {{lang|ht|papa}} ("father") while the priestess becomes the {{lang|ht|manman}} ("mother") to the initiate;{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=70|2a1=Hebblethwaite|2y=2015|2p=13}} the initiate becomes their initiator's {{lang|ht|pitit}} (spiritual child).{{sfn|Hebblethwaite|2015|p=13}} Those who share an initiator refer to themselves as "brother" and "sister."{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=68}}

Individuals may join a particular {{lang|ht|ounfò}} because it exists in their locality or because their family are already members. Alternatively, it may be that the {{lang|ht|ounfò}} places particular focus on a {{lang|ht|lwa}} whom they are devoted to, or that they are impressed by the {{lang|ht|oungan}} or {{lang|ht|manbo}} who runs the {{lang|ht|ounfò}} in question, perhaps having been treated by them.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=70}}

File:VeveBrigitte.svg

Vodou is hierarchical and includes a series of initiations.{{sfnm|1a1=Crosley|1y=2006|1p=8|2a1=Hebblethwaite|2y=2015|2p=13}} There are typically four levels of initiation,{{sfnm|1a1=Brown|1y=1987|1p=70|2a1=Brown|2y=1991|2p=350|3a1=Michel|3y=1996|3p=290}} the fourth of which makes someone an {{lang|ht|oungan}} or {{lang|ht|manbo}}.{{sfn|Michel|1996|p=290}} There is much variation in what these initiation ceremonies entail,{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=133}} and the details are kept secret.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=157}} Each initiatory stage is associated with a state of mind called a {{lang|ht|konesan}} ({{lang|fr|conaissance}} or knowledge).{{sfnm|1a1=Crosley|1y=2006|1p=10|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=122}} Successive initiations are required to move through the various {{lang|ht|konesans}},{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=122}} and it is in these {{lang|ht|konesans}} that priestly power is believed to reside.{{sfn|Brown|1991|p=356}}

The first initiation rite is the {{lang|ht|kanzo}};{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=192|2a1=Crosley|2y=2006|2p=10|3a1=Fernández Olmos|3a2=Paravisini-Gebert|3y=2011|3p=133}} this term also describes the initiate themselves.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|pp=124, 133}} Initiation is generally expensive,{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=192|2a1=Brown|2y=1991|2p=351|3a1=Michel|3y=1996|3p=290|4a1=Fernández Olmos|4a2=Paravisini-Gebert|4y=2011|4p=133|5a1=Hebblethwaite|5y=2015|5p=12}} complex,{{sfn|Michel|1996|p=290}} and requires significant preparation.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=133}} Prospective initiates are for instance required to memorise many songs and learn the characteristics of various {{lang|ht|lwa}}.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=133}} Vodouists believe the {{lang|ht|lwa}} may encourage an individual towards initiation, bringing misfortune upon them if they refuse.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=193}}

Initiation will often be preceded by bathing in special preparations.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=195}} The first part of the initiation rite is known as the {{lang|ht|kouche}} or {{lang|ht|huño}}, and is marked by salutations and offerings to the {{lang|ht|lwa}}.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1pp=195–196|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=133}} It begins with the {{lang|ht|chire ayizan}}, a ceremony in which palm leaves are frayed and then worn by the initiate.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=133}} Sometimes the {{lang|ht|bat ge}} or {{lang|ht|batter guerre}} ("beating war") is performed instead, designed to beat away the old.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=133}} During the rite, the initiate comes to be regarded as the child of a particular {{lang|ht|lwa}}, their {{lang|ht|mèt tèt}}.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=133}}

This is followed by a period of seclusion within the {{lang|ht|djèvo}} known as the {{lang|ht|kouche}}.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=133}} A deliberately uncomfortable experience,{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=134}} it involves the initiate sleeping on a mat on the floor, often with a stone for a pillow.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=201}} They wear a white tunic,{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=199}} and a specific salt-free diet is followed.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=202}} It includes a {{lang|ht|lav tèt}} ("head washing") to prepare the initiate for having the {{lang|ht|lwa}} enter and reside in their head.{{sfnm|1a1=Brown|1y=1987|1p=70|2a1=Brown|2y=1991|2p=350|3a1=Desmangles|3y=1992|3p=87|4a1=Wilcken|4y=2005|4p=196|5a1=Fernández Olmos|5a2=Paravisini-Gebert|5y=2011|5p=134}} Voudoists believe that one of the two parts of the human soul, the {{lang|ht|gwo bonnanj}}, is removed from the initiate's head, thus making space for the {{lang|ht|lwa}} to enter and reside there.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=134}}

The initiation ceremony requires the preparation of {{lang|ht|pot tèts}} (head pots), usually white porcelain cups with a lid in which a range of items are placed, including hair, food, herbs, and oils. These are regarded as a home for the spirits.{{sfnm|1a1=Brown|1y=1991|1p=265|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=134}} After the period of seclusion in the {{lang|ht|djèvo}}, the new initiate is brought out and presented to the congregation; they are now referred to as {{lang|ht|ounsi lave tèt}}.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=133}} When the new initiate is presented to the rest of the community, they carry their {{lang|ht|pot tèt}} on their head, before placing it on the altar.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=134}} The final stage of the process involves the initiate being given an {{lang|ht|ason}} rattle.{{sfn|Brown|1991|p=351}} The initiation process is seen to have ended when the new initiate is first possessed by a {{lang|ht|lwa}}.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=134}} Initiation is seen as creating a bond between a devotee and their tutelary {{lang|ht|lwa}},{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=244}} and the former will often take on a new name that alludes to the name of this {{lang|ht|lwa}}.{{sfn|Desmangles|1992|p=86}} Finally, after the {{lang|ht|kouche}}, the new initiate may be expected to visit a Catholic church.{{sfn|McAlister|1998|p=130}}

File:Haitian vodou altar to Petwo, Rada, and Gede spirits; November 5, 2010..jpg

The creation of sacred works is important in Vodou.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=141}} Votive objects used in Haiti are typically made from industrial materials, including iron, plastic, sequins, china, tinsel, and plaster.{{sfn|Cosentino|1995a|p=53}}

An altar, or {{lang|ht|pè}}, will often contain images (typically lithographs) of Roman Catholic saints.{{sfnm|1a1=Desmangles|1y=1992|1p=8|2a1=Basquiat|2y=2004|2p=8|3a1=Drotbohm|3y=2008|3p=35}} Since developing in the mid-19th century, chromolithography has also had an impact on Vodou imagery, facilitating the widespread availability of images of the Roman Catholic saints who are equated with the {{lang|ht|lwa}}.{{sfn|Cosentino|2005|pp=239–240}} Various Vodouists have made use of varied available materials in constructing their shrines. Cosentino encountered a shrine in Port-au-Prince where Baron Samedi was represented by a plastic statue of Santa Claus wearing a black sombrero,{{sfn|Cosentino|2005|p=244}} and in another by a statue of Star Wars-character Darth Vader.{{sfn|Cosentino|1995c|p=408}} In Port-au-Prince, it is common for Vodouists to include human skulls on their altar for the Gede.{{sfn|McAlister|1995|p=318}} In {{lang|ht|ounfòs}} where both Rada and Petwo deities are worshipped, their altars are kept separate.{{sfn|de Heusch|1989|p=298}}

Various spaces other than the temple are used for Vodou ritual.{{sfn|Michel|1996|p=284}} Cemeteries are seen as places where spirits reside, making them suitable for certain rituals,{{sfn|Michel|1996|p=284}} especially to approach the spirits of the dead.{{sfn|Brown|1991|p=364}} In rural Haiti, cemeteries are often family owned and play a key role in family rituals.{{sfn|Brown|1991|p=369}} Crossroads are also ritual locations, selected as they are believed to be points of access to the spirit world.{{sfn|Michel|1996|p=284}} Other spaces used for Vodou rituals include Christian churches, rivers, the sea, fields, and markets.{{sfn|Michel|1996|p=284}}

File:Asson2.jpg

Certain trees are regarded as having spirits resident in them and are used as natural altars.{{sfn|Hebblethwaite|2015|p=14}} Different species of tree are associated with different {{lang|ht|lwa}}; Oyu, for example, is linked with mango trees, and Danbala with bougainvillea.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=92}} Selected trees in Haiti have had metal items affixed to them, serving as shrines to Ogou, who is associated with both iron and the roads.{{sfn|Cosentino|2005|p=237}} Spaces for ritual also appear in the homes of many Vodouists,{{sfn|Michel|1996|pp=284–285}} namely as a home altar called a {{lang|ht|wogatwa}}.{{sfnm|1a1=Bellegarde-Smith|1y=2005|1p=54|2a1=Drotbohm|2y=2008|2p=35}} These may vary from complex altars to more simple variants including only images of saints alongside candles and a rosary.{{sfn|Michel|1996|p=285}} Many practitioners will also have an altar devoted to their ancestors in their home, to which they direct offerings.{{sfn|Desmangles|1992|p=85}}

Drawings known as {{lang|ht|vèvè}} are sketched onto the floor of the {{lang|ht|peristil}} using cornmeal, ash, coffee grounds, or powdered eggshells;{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=163|2a1=Thompson|2y=1995|2p=102|3a1=Fernández Olmos|3a2=Paravisini-Gebert|3y=2011|3p=142}} these are central to Vodou ritual.{{sfn|Desmangles|1992|p=105}} Usually arranged symmetrically around the {{lang|ht|poto-mitan}},{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=165}} these designs sometimes incorporate letters;{{sfn|Hebblethwaite|2015|p=14}} their purpose is to summon {{lang|ht|lwa}}.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=165}} Inside the {{lang|ht|peristil}}, practitioners also unfurl ceremonial flags known as {{lang|ht|drapo}} (flags) at the start of a ceremony.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=161|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2pp=142–143}} Often made of silk or velvet and decorated with shiny objects such as sequins,{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=160|2a1=Girouard|2y=1995|2p=357}} the {{lang|ht|drapo}} often feature either the {{lang|ht|vèvè}} of specific {{lang|ht|lwa}} they are dedicated to or depictions of the associated Roman Catholic saint.{{sfn|Polk|1995|pp=326–327}} These {{lang|ht|drapo}} are understood as points of entry through which the {{lang|ht|lwa}} can enter the {{lang|ht|peristil}}.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=142}}

A {{lang|ht|batèms}} (baptism) is a ritual used to make an object a vessel for the {{lang|ht|lwa}}.{{sfn|Desmangles|1992|p=87}} Objects consecrated for ritual use are believed to contain a spiritual essence or power called {{lang|ht|nanm}}.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=153}} The {{lang|ht|ason}} is a sacred rattle used in summoning the {{lang|ht|lwa}},{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=66|2a1=Brown|2y=1987|2p=71|3a1=Fernández Olmos|3a2=Paravisini-Gebert|3y=2011|3p=122}} especially for Rada rites.{{sfn|Fleurant|2006|p=52}} It consists of an empty, dried gourd covered in beads and snake vertebra.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=66|2a1=Brown|2y=1991|2pp=278–279}} Prior to being used in ritual it requires consecration.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=66}} It is a symbol of the priesthood;{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=66}} assuming the duties of a {{lang|ht|manbo}} or {{lang|ht|oungan}} is referred to as "taking the {{lang|ht|ason}}."{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=66|2a1=Brown|2y=1991|2p=76|3a1=Fernández Olmos|3a2=Paravisini-Gebert|3y=2011|3p=122}} For Petwo rites a different rattle, the {{lang|ht|tcha-tcha}}, is favored.{{sfn|Fleurant|2006|p=52}} Another type of sacred object are the "thunder stones", often prehistoric axe-heads, which are associated with specific {{lang|ht|lwa}} and kept in oil to preserve their power.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=166}}

File:Trop Pou Te Haitian Vodou banners.jpg

Feeding the {{lang|ht|lwa}} is of great importance,{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=139}} with offering rites often termed {{lang|ht|manje lwa}} ("feeding the {{lang|ht|lwa}}").{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=168|2a1=Montilus|2y=2006|2p=4}} Offering food and drink to the {{lang|ht|lwa}} is Vodou's most common ritual, conducted both communally and in the home.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=139}} The choice of food and drink offered varies depending on the {{lang|ht|lwa}} in question, with different {{lang|ht|lwa}} believed to favor certain foodstuffs and beverages.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=176|2a1=Richman|2y=2005|2p=23|3a1=Fernández Olmos|3a2=Paravisini-Gebert|3y=2011|3p=139}} Danbala for instance requires white foods, especially eggs,{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=105|2a1=Brown|2y=1991|2p=274|3a1=Fernández Olmos|3a2=Paravisini-Gebert|3y=2011|3p=127}} while Legba's offerings, whether meat, tubers, or vegetables, need to be grilled on a fire.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=139}} The {{lang|ht|lwa}} of the Ogu and Nago nations prefer raw rum or clairin,{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=139}} while the {{lang|ht|lwa}} Ayizan avoids alcohol.{{sfn|Brown|1991|pp=54–55}} Certain foods are also offered in the belief that they are intrinsically virtuous, such as grilled maize, peanuts, and cassava.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=140}}

A {{lang|ht|manje sèk}} (dry meal) is an offering of grains, fruit, and vegetables that often precedes a simple ceremony; it takes its name from the absence of blood.{{sfnm|1a1=Brown|1y=1991|1p=190|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=140}} Animal sacrifices are often favored at annual feasts that an {{lang|ht|oungan}} or {{lang|ht|manbo}} organizes for their congregation.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=140}} Species used for sacrifice include chickens, goats, and bulls, with pigs often favored for Petwo {{lang|ht|lwa}}.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=168}} The animal may be washed, dressed in the color of the specific {{lang|ht|lwa}}, and marked with food or water.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=169}} Often, the animal's throat will be cut and the blood collected in a calabash.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=175}} Chickens are often killed by the pulling off of their heads; their limbs may be broken beforehand.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=173}} In the case of Agwé, a {{lang|ht|lwa}} of the sea, a white sheep may be sailed out to Trois Ilets and thrown overboard as a sacrifice.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=103|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=126}}

Once killed, the animal may be butchered and organs removed, sometimes cooked, and placed on the altar or {{lang|ht|vèvè}}.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|pp=173, 175}} Here, it sometimes sites within a {{lang|ht|kwi}}, a calabash shell bowl.{{sfn|Brown|1991|p=49}} Vodouists believe that the {{lang|ht|lwa}} consume the essence of the food.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=140}} Food is typically offered when it is cool, and is left for a while before humans may eat it.{{sfn|Brown|1991|p=49}} Offerings not consumed by the celebrants are often buried or left at a crossroads.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=177|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=140}} Libations might be poured into the ground.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=140}}

File:Tambor vudú MNA.jpg

Vodou's nocturnal gatherings are often referred to as the {{lang|ht|dans}} ("dance"), reflecting the prominent role that dancing has in such ceremonies.{{sfn|Wilcken|2005|p=194}} Their purpose is to invite a {{lang|ht|lwa}} to enter the ritual space and possess one of the worshippers, through whom they can communicate with the congregation.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=143}} The success of this procedure is predicated on mastering the different ritual actions and on getting the aesthetic right to please the {{lang|ht|lwa}}.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=143}} The proceedings can last for the entirety of the night.{{sfn|Wilcken|2005|p=194}}

On arriving, the congregation typically disperse along the perimeter of the {{lang|ht|peristil}}.{{sfn|Wilcken|2005|p=194}} The ritual often begins with Roman Catholic prayers and hymns;{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=327|2a1=Brown|2y=1991|2p=52|3a1=Desmangles|3y=1992|3pp=8–9|4a1=McAlister|4y=1998|4p=143}} these may be led by the {{lang|ht|prèt savann}}, although not all {{lang|ht|ounfò}} have anyone in this role.{{sfn|Desmangles|1992|pp=87–88}} This is followed by the shaking of the {{lang|ht|ason}} rattle to summon the {{lang|ht|lwa}}.{{sfn|Brown|1991|pp=53–54}} Two Haitian Creole songs, the Priyè Deyò ("Outside Prayers"), may then be sung, lasting from 45 minutes to an hour.{{sfn|Brown|1991|p=54}} The main {{lang|ht|lwa}} are then saluted, individually, in a specific order.{{sfn|Brown|1991|p=54}} Legba always comes first, as he is believed to open the way for the others.{{sfn|Brown|1991|p=54}} Each {{lang|ht|lwa}} may be offered either three or seven songs, which are specific to them.{{sfn|Brown|1991|p=55}}

The rites employed to call down the {{lang|ht|lwa}} vary depending on the {{lang|ht|nanchon}} in question.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|pp=124–125}} During large-scale ceremonies, the {{lang|ht|lwa}} are invited to appear through the drawing of {{lang|ht|vèvè}} on the ground using cornmeal.{{sfn|Ramsey|2011|p=8}} Also used to call down the spirits is a process of drumming, singing, prayers, and dances.{{sfn|Ramsey|2011|p=8}} Libations and offerings of food are made to the {{lang|ht|lwa}}, which includes animal sacrifices.{{sfn|Ramsey|2011|p=8}}

The order and protocol for welcoming the {{lang|ht|lwa}} is referred to as {{lang|ht|regleman}}.{{sfnm|1a1=Wilcken|1y=2005|1p=195|2a1=Ramsey|2y=2011|2p=8}}

File:Voodoo 2 (2).jpg

A symbol of the religion,{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=177}} the drum is perhaps the most sacred item in Vodou.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|pp=123–124, 135}} Vodouists believe that ritual drums contain an etheric force, the {{lang|ht|nanm}},{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=182|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=136}} and a spirit called {{lang|ht|ountò}}.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=182}} Specific ceremonies accompany the construction of a drum so that it is considered suitable for ritual use.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=183|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=136}} In the {{lang|ht|bay manje tanbou}} ("feeding of the drum") ritual, offerings are given to the drum itself.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=182|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=136}} Reflecting its status, when Vodouists enter the {{lang|ht|peristil}} they customarily bow before the drums.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=136}} Different types of drum are used, sometimes reserved for rituals devoted to specific {{lang|ht|lwa}}; Petwo rites for instance involve two types of drum, whereas Rada rituals require three.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=180}} Ritual drummers are called {{lang|ht|tanbouryes}},{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=178}} and becoming one requires a lengthy apprenticeship.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=135}} The drumming style, choice of rhythm, and composition of the orchestra differs depending on which nation of {{lang|ht|lwa}} are being invoked.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=86|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=135}} The drum rhythms typically generate a {{lang|ht|kase}} ("break"), which the master drummer will initiate to oppose the main rhythm being played by the rest of the drummers. This is seen as having a destabilizing effect on the dancers and helping to facilitate their possession.{{sfn|Wilcken|2005|pp=195–196}}

Drumming is typically accompanied by singing,{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=136}} usually in Haitian Creole,{{sfnm|1a1=Wilcken|1y=2005|1p=195|2a1=Fleurant|2y=2006|2p=50}} although sometimes in Fon or Yoruba.{{sfn|Fleurant|2006|p=50}} These songs are often structured around a call and response, with a soloist singing a line and the chorus responding with either the same line or an abbreviated version.{{sfn|Wilcken|2005|p=195}} The soloist is the {{lang|ht|oundjenikon}}, who maintains the rhythm with a rattle.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=186|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=136}} Lyrically simple and repetitive, these songs are invocations to summon a {{lang|ht|lwa}}.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=136}} Dancing also plays a major role in ritual,{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=188-189}} utilising the rhythm of the drummers.{{sfn|Wilcken|2005|p=195}} The dances are simple, lacking complex choreography, and usually involve the dancers moving counterclockwise around the {{lang|ht|poto mitan}}.{{sfnm|1a1=Desmangles|1y=1992|1p=103|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=137}} Specific dance movements can indicate the {{lang|ht|lwa}} or their {{lang|ht|nanchon}} being summoned;{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=86, 190|2a1=Wilcken|2y=2005|2p=195}} dances for Agwe for instance imitate swimming motions.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=190}} Vodouists believe that the {{lang|ht|lwa}} renew themselves through the vitality of the dancers.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=138}}

File:Frisner Augustin drums for a Vodou dance in Brooklyn, early 1980s.jpg, New York City during the early 1980s.]]

Spirit possession is important,{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=120|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=134}} being central to many Vodou rituals.{{sfn|Brown|1991|p=6}} The person being possessed is called the {{lang|ht|chwal}} (horse);{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=120|2a1=Brown|2y=1991|2p=61|3a1=Ramsey|3y=2011|3p=9|4a1=Fernández Olmos|4a2=Paravisini-Gebert|4y=2011|4pp=117–118}} the act of possession is termed "mounting a horse".{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=120|2a1=Ramsey|2y=2011|2p=8}} Vodou teaches that both male and female {{lang|ht|lwa}} can possess either men or women.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=124|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=138}} Although children are often present at these ceremonies,{{sfn|Brown|1991|p=373}} they are rarely possessed as it is considered too dangerous.{{sfn|Brown|1991|p=252}} Some individuals attending the dance will put a certain item, often wax, in their hair or headgear to prevent possession.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=131}} While the specific drums and songs used are designed to encourage a specific {{lang|ht|lwa}} to possess someone, sometimes an unexpected {{lang|ht|lwa}} appears and takes possession instead.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=128}}

The possession trance is termed the {{lang|ht|kriz lwa}}.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=135}} Vodouists believe that the {{lang|ht|lwa}} enters the head of the {{lang|ht|chwal}} and displaces their {{lang|ht|gwo bon anj}},{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=120|2a1=Brown|2y=1991|2pp=61, 352|3a1=Montilus|3y=2006|3p=3|4a1=Ramsey|4y=2011|4p=9}} making the {{lang|ht|chwal}} tremble and convulse.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=120|2a1=Brown|2y=1991|2p=61}} As their consciousness has been removed from their head during the possession, Vodouists believe that the {{lang|ht|chwal}} will have no memory of the incident.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=122|2a1=Ramsey|2y=2011|2p=9|3a1=Fernández Olmos|3a2=Paravisini-Gebert|3y=2011|3p=138}} The length of the possession varies, often lasting a few hours but sometimes several days.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=123}} Sometimes a succession of {{lang|ht|lwa}} possess the same individual, one after the other.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=129|2a1=Brown|2y=1991|2p=66}} Possession may end with the {{lang|ht|chwal}} collapsing in a semi-conscious state,{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=124}} being left physically exhausted.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=138}}

Once the {{lang|ht|lwa}} possesses an individual, the congregation greet it with a burst of song and dance.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=138}} The {{lang|ht|chwal}} will typically bow before the officiating priest or priestess and prostrate before the {{lang|ht|poto mitan}}.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1pp=124–125|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=138}} The {{lang|ht|chwal}} is often escorted into an adjacent room where they are dressed in clothing associated with the possessing {{lang|ht|lwa}}. Alternatively, the clothes are brought out and they are dressed in the {{lang|ht|peristil}} itself.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=124|2a1=Brown|2y=1991|2p=61|3a1=Fernández Olmos|3a2=Paravisini-Gebert|3y=2011|3p=138}} These costumes and props help the {{lang|ht|chwal}} take on the appearance of the {{lang|ht|lwa}};{{sfn|Wilcken|2005|p=195}} many {{lang|ht|ounfò}} have a large wooden phallus used by those possessed by Gede {{lang|ht|lwa}}, for instance.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=113|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=128}} Once the {{lang|ht|chwal}} has been dressed, congregants kiss the floor before them.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=124|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=138}}

The {{lang|ht|chwal}} adopts the behavior of the possessing {{lang|ht|lwa}};{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=120|2a1=Wilcken|2y=2005|2p=196|3a1=Fernández Olmos|3a2=Paravisini-Gebert|3y=2011|3p=138}} their performance can be very theatrical.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=128}} Those believing themselves possessed by the serpent Danbala, for instance, often slither on the floor, dart out their tongue, and climb the posts of the {{lang|ht|peristil}}.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=105|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=127}} Those possessed by Zaka, {{lang|ht|lwa}} of agriculture, will dress as a peasant in a straw hat with a clay pipe and will often speak in a rustic accent.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=108|2a1=Brown|2y=1991|2p=61}} The {{lang|ht|chwal}} will often join in with the dances,{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=138}} eat or drink.{{sfn|Wilcken|2005|p=195}} Sometimes the {{lang|ht|lwa}}, through the {{lang|ht|chwal}}, will engage in financial transactions with members of the congregation, for instance by selling them food that has been given as an offering or lending them money.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1pp=95–96|2a1=Brown|2y=1991|2pp=62–63, 67}}

Possession facilitates direct communication between Vodouists and the {{lang|ht|lwa}};{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=138}} through the {{lang|ht|chwal}}, the {{lang|ht|lwa}} communicates with their devotees, offering counsel, chastisement, blessings, warnings about the future, and healing.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=125|2a1=Ramsey|2y=2011|2pp=8–9|3a1=Fernández Olmos|3a2=Paravisini-Gebert|3y=2011|3p=138}} {{lang|ht|Lwa}} possession has a healing function, with the possessed individual expected to reveal possible cures to the ailments of those assembled.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=138}} Clothing that the {{lang|ht|chwal}} touches is regarded as bringing luck.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=125|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=138}} The {{lang|ht|lwa}} may also offer advice to the individual they are possessing; because the latter is not believed to retain any memory of the events, it is expected that other members of the congregation will pass along the {{lang|ht|lwa}}'s message.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=125|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=138}} In some instances, practitioners have reported being possessed at other times of ordinary life, such as when someone is in the middle of the market,{{sfn|Métraux|1972|pp=131, 133–34}} or when they are asleep.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=144}}

A common form of divination employed by {{lang|ht|oungan}} and {{lang|ht|manbo}} is to invoke a {{lang|ht|lwa}} into a pitcher, where it will then be asked questions.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=321}} Other forms of divination used by Vodouists include the casting of shells,{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=321}} cartomancy,{{sfn|Métraux|1972|pp=321–322}} studying leaves, coffee grounds or cinders in a glass, or looking into a candle flame.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=322}} A form of divination associated especially with Petwo {{lang|ht|lwa}} is the use of a {{lang|ht|gembo}} shell, sometimes with a mirror attached to one side and affixed at both ends to string. The string is twirled and the directions of the shell used to interpret the responses of the {{lang|ht|lwa}}.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=321}}

File:Collectie Nationaal Museum van Wereldculturen AM-670-7 Paquet Kongo Haiti Pierot Barra (Vervaardiging).jpg in the Netherlands ]]

Healing plays an important role in Vodou.{{sfn|Brown|1991|pp=4–5}} A client will approach a {{lang|ht|manbo}} or {{lang|ht|oungan}} complaining of illness or misfortune and the latter will use divination to determine the cause and select a remedy.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|pp=305–306}} {{lang|ht|Manbo}} and {{lang|ht|oungan}} typically have a wide knowledge of plants and their medicinal uses.{{sfn|Brown|1991|p=188}} When collecting plants they are expected to show them respect, for instance by leaving coins in payment for removing leaves.{{sfn|Beauvoir|2006|p=116}}

To heal, Vodou specialists often prescribe baths, consisting of water infused with various ingredients,{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1pp=309–310|2a1=Brown|2y=1991|2p=348|3a1=Brown|3y=1995|3p=219}} or produce powders for a specific purpose, such as to attract good luck or aid seduction.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=310}} Alternatively, they may create a material object infused with spirits or medicines, a wanga,{{sfn|McAlister|2002|p=90}} although these can also be devoted to harmful purposes.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=285|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2pp=149, 151}} {{lang|ht|Manbo}} and {{lang|ht|oungan}} often provide talismans,{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=280|2a1=Brown|2y=1991|2p=135}} called a {{lang|ht|pwen}} (point),{{sfnm|1a1=Brown|1y=1987|1p=70|2a1=Brown|2y=1991|2p=348|3a1=Brown|3y=1995|3p=213|4a1=Derby|4y=2015|4p=395}} {{lang|ht|travay maji}} (magic work),{{sfn|McAlister|1995|p=306}} {{lang|ht|pakèt}} or {{lang|ht|pakèt kongo}}.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1pp=310–312|2a1=Cosentino|2y=1995a|2p=30|3a1=Thompson|3y=1995|3p=108}} The latter term highlights the potential influence of the Bakongo minkisi on these Haitian ritual creations.{{sfnm|1a1=McAlister|1y=1995|1pp=310–311|2a1=Christophe|2y=2006|2p=91}}

In Haiti, {{lang|ht|oungan}} or {{lang|ht|manbo}} may advise their clients to seek assistance from medical professionals, while the latter may also send their patients to see an {{lang|ht|oungan}} or {{lang|ht|manbo}}.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=74}} Although in the late 20th century there were concerns that the Haitian reliance on {{lang|ht|oungan}} and {{lang|ht|manbo}} was contributing to the spread of HIV/AIDS,{{sfn|Benoît|2007|pp=59, 60}} by the early 21st century, various NGOs and other groups were working on bringing Vodou officiants into the broader campaign against the virus.{{sfn|Benoît|2007|p=63}} In Haiti, there are also {{lang|ht|doktè fèy}} ("herb doctors"; "leaf doctors") who offer herbal remedies for ailments but deal in fewer problems than {{lang|ht|oungan}} and {{lang|ht|manbo}}.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=75|2a1=Beauvoir|2y=2006|2p=114}}

Vodou teaches that supernatural factors cause or exacerbate many problems.{{sfn|Brown|1991|p=346}} It holds that humans can cause supernatural harm to others, either unintentionally or deliberately,{{sfn|Brown|1991|p=347}} in the latter case exerting power over a person through possession of hair or nail clippings belonging to them.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=246}} Vodouists also often believe that supernatural harm can be caused by other entities. The {{lang|ht|lougawou}} is a human, usually female, who transforms into an animal and drains blood from sleeping victims,{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1pp=300–304|2a1=Derby|2y=2015|2p=401}} while members of the Bizango secret society are feared for their reputed ability to transform into dogs, in which form they walk the streets at night.{{sfnm|1a1=McAlister|1y=2002|1p=88|2a1=Derby|2y=2015|2pp=402–403}}

An individual who turns to the {{lang|ht|lwa}} to harm others is a {{lang|ht|choché}},{{sfn|Mintz|Trouillot|1995|p=131}} or a {{lang|ht|bòkò}},{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=48|2a1=Brown|2y=1991|2p=189|3a1=Ramsey|3y=2011|3p=12|4a1=Fernández Olmos|4a2=Paravisini-Gebert|4y=2011|4p=149}} although this latter term can also refer to an {{lang|ht|oungan}} generally.{{sfn|Mintz|Trouillot|1995|p=131}} They are described as someone who {{lang|ht|sert des deux mains}} ("serves with both hands"),{{sfnm|1a1=Ramsey|1y=2011|1p=12|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=149}} or is {{lang|ht|travaillant des deux mains}} ("working with both hands").{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=65}} As the good {{lang|ht|lwa}} have rejected them as unworthy, {{lang|ht|bòko}} are believed to work with {{lang|ht|lwa achte}} ("bought {{lang|ht|lwa}}"),{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1pp=65, 267|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=149}} spirits that will work for anyone who pays them,{{sfn|McAlister|2002|p=88}} and often members of the Petwo {{lang|ht|nanchon}}.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=149}} According to Haitian popular belief, {{lang|ht|bòkò}} engage in {{lang|ht|anvwamò}} ("expeditions"), setting the dead against an individual to cause the latter's sudden illness and death,{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=274|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=149}} and utilise {{lang|ht|baka}}, malevolent spirits sometimes in animal form.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=288|2a1=Brown|2y=1991|2p=231|3a1=Desmangles|3y=1992|3p=113|4a1=Derby|4y=2015|4pp=400–401}} In Haiti, there is much suspicion and censure toward those suspected of being {{lang|ht|bòkò}}.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=65}}

The curses of the {{lang|ht|bòkò}} are believed to be countered by the {{lang|ht|oungan}} and {{lang|ht|manbo}}, who can revert the curse through an exorcism that incorporates invocations of protective {{lang|ht|lwa}}, massages, and baths.{{sfnm|1a1=McAlister|1y=1995|1p=318|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=149}} In Haiti, some {{lang|ht|oungan}} and {{lang|ht|manbo}} have been accused of working with a {{lang|ht|bòkò}}, arranging for the latter to curse individuals so that they can financially profit from removing these curses.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=65}}

File:Haiti Weekend 045 (8070548415).jpg}} is a public crucifix associated with Baron Samedi, chief of the Gede.{{sfn|Brown|1991|pp=368–369}}]]

Vodou features complex funerary customs.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=243}} Following an individual's death, the {{lang|ht|desounen}} ritual frees the {{lang|ht|gwo bonnanj}} from their body and disconnects them from their tutelary {{lang|ht|lwa}}.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1pp=244–245|2a1=Desmangles|2y=1992|2p=69}} The corpse is then bathed in a herbal infusion by an individual termed the {{lang|ht|benyè}}, who gives the dead person messages to take with them.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=246|2a1=Desmangles|2y=1992|2p=73}} A wake, the {{lang|ht|veye}}, follows.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=247|2a1=Desmangles|2y=1992|2p=73}} The body is then buried in the cemetery,{{sfn|Desmangles|1992|p=73}} often according to Roman Catholic custom.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=250}}

In northern Haiti, an additional rite takes place at the {{lang|ht|ounfò}} on the day of the funeral, the {{lang|ht|kase kanari}} (breaking of the clay pot). In this, a jar is washed in substances including kleren, placed within a trench dug into the {{lang|ht|peristil}} floor, and smashed. The trench is then refilled.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=252|2a1=Desmangles|2y=1992|2p=74}} The night after the funeral, the {{lang|ht|novena}} takes place at the home of the deceased, involving Roman Catholic prayers;{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=251|2a1=Desmangles|2y=1992|2pp=74–75}} a mass for them is held a year after death,{{sfn|Desmangles|1992|p=76}} sometimes performed by a {{lang|ht|prèt savann}}.{{sfn|McAlister|1998|p=142}} Vodouists fear the dead's ability to harm the living;{{sfn|Métraux|1972|pp=243–244}} it is believed that the deceased may for instance punish their living relatives if the latter fail to appropriately mourn them.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=256}}

Many Vodouists believe that a practitioner's spirit dwells in the land of Ginen, located at the bottom of a lake or river, for a year and a day.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=258|2a1=Desmangles|2y=1992|2pp=70–71}} A year and a day after death, the {{lang|ht|wete mò nan dlo}} ("extracting the dead from the waters of the abyss") ritual may take place, in which the deceased's {{lang|ht|gwo bonnanj}} is reclaimed from the realm of the dead and placed into a clay jar or bottle called the {{lang|ht|govi}}. Now ensconced in the world of the living, the {{lang|ht|gwo bonnanj}} of this ancestor is deemed capable of assisting its descendants and guiding them with its wisdom.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1pp=259–263|2a1=Desmangles|2y=1992|2p=80}} Practitioners sometimes believe that failing to conduct this ritual can result in misfortune, illness, and death for the family of the deceased.{{sfn|Desmangles|1992|pp=81–82}} Offerings then given to this spirit of the dead are termed {{lang|ht|manje mò}}.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=263}} The notion of a spirit being encased in a vessel and then used for workings likely derives from Bakongo influences,{{sfn|McAlister|2002|p=104}} and has similarities with the Bakongo-derived Palo religion from Cuba.{{sfn|McAlister|2002|pp=100–102}}

File:Voodoo fetishes.jpg

Another belief about the dead, that of {{lang|ht|zonbis}}, is one of the most sensationalized aspects of Haitian religion.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=151}} {{lang|ht|Zonbi}} are often regarded as the {{lang|ht|gwo bonnanj}} of the recently deceased that have been captured and forced to work for their master.{{sfn|McAlister|2002|pp=102–193}} The {{lang|ht|gwo bonnanj}} may then be kept inside a bottle or other vessel.{{sfn|McAlister|1995|p=320}} The practice is often linked to {{lang|ht|Chanpwèl}} (secret societies), which are suspected of murdering the individual they wish to turn into a {{lang|ht|zonbi}}.{{sfn|McAlister|2002|p=106}} To achieve this, they may obtain the bones of a deceased person, especially their skull, sometimes by bribing cemetery workers;{{sfnm|1a1=McAlister|1y=1995|1p=319|2a1=McAlister|2y=2002|2p=104}} the skull will often be baptised, given food, and set a particular task to specialise in, such as healing a specific malady.{{sfn|McAlister|1995|p=319}} Those intending to take a {{lang|ht|gwo bonnanj}} as a {{lang|ht|zonbi}} may have to borrow or buy them from Baron Samedi.{{sfn|McAlister|2002|p=103}}

An alternative idea in Haitian lore is that it is the body that is turned into a {{lang|ht|zonbi}},{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1pp=281–282|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=152}} in which case a {{lang|ht|bòkò}} has seized an individual's {{lang|ht|ti bonnanj}} and left the body as an empty vessel that can be manipulated.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=153}} The reality of this phenomenon is contested,{{sfn|McAlister|2002|p=103}} although the anthropologist Wade Davis argued that this was based on a real practice whereby Bizango societies used poisons to make certain individuals more pliant.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=152}} Haitians generally do not fear {{lang|ht|zonbis}}, but rather fear becoming one themselves.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=153}} The figure of the {{lang|ht|zonbi}} has also been interpreted as a metaphor for the enslavement central to Haitian history.{{sfnm|1a1=McAlister|1y=1995|1p=314|2a1=McAlister|2y=2002|2p=102}}

File:Cleaning their sins.jpg

On the saints' days of the Roman Catholic calendar, Vodouists often hold "birthday parties" for the {{lang|ht|lwa}} associated with the saint whose day it is.{{sfn|Brown|1991|p=5}} These are marked with special altars for the celebrated {{lang|ht|lwa}},{{sfn|Brown|1991|pp=40–41}} as well as the preparation of their preferred food.{{sfn|Brown|1991|pp=41–43}} Devotions to the Gede are particularly common around the days of the dead, All Saints (1 November) and All Souls (2 November),{{sfnm|1a1=Houlberg|1y=1995|1p=275|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=128}} with celebrations largely taking place in the cemeteries of Port-au-Prince.{{sfn|Beasley|2010|pp=42, 44}} At this festival, those devoted to the Gede dress in black and purple, with funeral frock coats, black veils, and top hats, all linking to the Gede's associations with death.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=113|2a1=Brown|2y=1991|2p=362|3a1=Fernández Olmos|3a2=Paravisini-Gebert|3y=2011|3p=128}}

The build-up to Easter sees Rara bands, largely consisting of peasants and the urban poor, process through the streets singing and dancing.{{sfn|McAlister|2002|pp=3–4}} Each Rara band is considered to be under the patronage of a particular {{lang|ht|lwa}}, holding a contract with them that typically lasts seven years.{{sfn|McAlister|2002|pp=7, 34, 36}} Performing Rara is regarded as a service to the {{lang|ht|lwa}},{{sfn|McAlister|2002|p=86}} and some Rara leaders claim that a {{lang|ht|lwa}} instructed them to form their band.{{sfn|McAlister|2002|p=35}} An {{lang|ht|oungan}} will typically be part of the Rara band and will oversee their religious obligations, for instance performing rituals during their procession,{{sfn|McAlister|2002|p=33}} or providing members with a {{lang|ht|benyen}} protective bath before they perform.{{sfn|McAlister|2002|p=44}} They may also attempt to curse or poison rival Rara bands.{{sfn|McAlister|2002|p=153}}

File:Haiti Saut-d'Eau.JPG

Pilgrimage is part of Haitian religious culture.{{sfn|Rey|Richman|2010|p=388}} In July, Vodouist pilgrims visit Plaine du Nord near Bwa Caiman, where according to legend the Haitian Revolution began. There, sacrifices are made and pilgrims immerse themselves in the {{lang|ht|twou}} (mud pits).{{sfnm|1a1=Cosentino|1y=1995b|1p=244|2a1=Cosentino|2y=2005|2pp=231–232}} The pilgrims often mass before the Church of Saint Jacques, with Saint Jacques perceived as being the {{lang|ht|lwa}} Ogou.{{sfnm|1a1=Cosentino|1y=1995b|1pp=243–244|2a1=Cosentino|2y=2005|2p=232}} Another popular pilgrimage site, again typically visited in July, is Saut d'Eau ("waterfall") or Sodo, located outside the village of Ville-Bonheur where the Virgin Mary (Èzili) allegedly appeared in the 1840s. At the site, pilgrims bathe under waterfalls associated with water-spirits like Danbala.{{sfnm|1a1=Desmangles|1y=1992|1pp=134–135|2a1=McAlister|2y=1998|2pp=134-135}}

Haitian pilgrims commonly wear coloured ropes around their head or waist;{{sfn|Rey|Richman|2010|p=388}} a tradition that may derive from a Bakongo custom, kanga ("to tie"), during which sacred objects were bound with rope.{{sfn|Rey|Richman|2010|p=389}} Haitians abroad have also established pilgrimage sites, with thousands of Haitians visiting the Church of Our Lady of Mount Carmel in East Harlem, New York City for the feast day of the Virgin, whom the Vodouists in attendance interpret as Èzili Dantò.{{sfn|McAlister|1998|pp=124, 128}}

File:Gbe languages.png practice, the religion with the greatest influence on Haitian Vodou]]

In 1492, Christopher Columbus' expedition established a Spanish colony on Hispaniola.{{sfn|Desmangles|1992|pp=17–18}} A growing European presence decimated the island's Indigenous Taíno population, both through introduced diseases and exploitation as laborers.{{sfn|Desmangles|1992|pp=18–19}} The European colonists then turned to imported West African slaves as a new source of labor; Africans first arrived on Hispaniola circa 1512.{{sfn|Desmangles|1992|p=19}} Most of the enslaved were prisoners of war.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=30}} Some were probably priests of traditional religions, helping to transport their rites to the Americas.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=30}} Others were probably Muslim, although Islam exerted little influence on Vodou,{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=31}} while some probably practiced traditional religions that had already absorbed Roman Catholic iconographic influences.{{sfn|Cosentino|1995a|pp=31, 35–36}}

By the late 16th century, French colonists were settling in western Hispaniola; Spain recognized French sovereignty over that part of the island, which became Saint-Domingue, in a series of treaties signed in 1697.{{sfnm|1a1=Desmangles|1y=1990|1p=479|2a1=Desmangles|2y=1992|2p=19|3a1=Mintz|3a2=Trouillot|3y=1995|3p=134}} Moving away from its previous subsistence economy, in the 18th century Saint-Domingue refocused its economy around the mass export of indigo, coffee, sugar, and cocoa to Europe.{{sfnm|1a1=Desmangles|1y=1990|1p=479|2a1=Desmangles|2y=1992|2p=20|3a1=Mintz|3a2=Trouillot|3y=1995|3p=134}} To work the plantations, the French colonists placed a renewed emphasis on importing enslaved Africans; whereas there were twice as many Africans as Europeans in the colony in 1681, by 1790 there were eleven times as many Africans as Europeans.{{sfnm|1a1=Desmangles|1y=1990|1p=479|2a1=Desmangles|2y=1992|2p=21}} Ultimately, Saint-Domingue became the colony with the largest number of slaves in the Caribbean.{{sfn|Desmangles|1992|p=21}}

Roman Catholicism was the official religion of Saint-Domingue.{{sfn|Richman|2012|p=269}} The Code Noir issued by King Louis XIV in 1685 forbade the open practice of African religions on the colony.{{sfnm|1a1=Desmangles|1y=1990|1p=475|2a1=McAlister|2y=2002|2p=120}} This Code compelled slave-owners to have their slaves baptised and instructed as Roman Catholics;{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=33|2a1=Desmangles|2y=1990|2p=475|3a1=Desmangles|3y=1992|3p=26}} the fact that the process of enslavement led to these Africans becoming Christian was a key way in which the slave-owners sought to morally legitimate their actions.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=33}} However, many slave-owners took little interest in having their slaves instructed in Roman Catholic teaching;{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=33}} they often did not want their slaves to spend time celebrating saints' days rather than laboring and were also concerned that black congregations could provide scope to foment revolt.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=34|2a1=Desmangles|2y=1992|2pp=24–25, 27}}

Enslavement destroyed the social fabric of African traditional religions, which were typically rooted in ethnic and family membership.{{sfn|Desmangles|1990|pp=476–477}} Although certain cultural assumptions about the nature of the universe would have been widely shared among the enslaved Africans, they came from diverse linguistic and ethno-cultural backgrounds and had to forge common cultural practices on Hispaniola.{{sfn|Mintz|Trouillot|1995|pp=125, 127}} Gradually over the course of the 18th century, Vodou emerged as "a composite of various African ethnic traditions", merging diverse practices into a more cohesive form.{{sfn|Desmangles|1990|p=476}}

African religions had to be practiced secretly, with Roman Catholic iconography and rituals probably used to conceal the true identity of the deities venerated.{{sfn|Desmangles|1990|p=475}} This resulted in a system of correspondences between African spirits and Roman Catholic saints.{{sfn|Desmangles|1990|p=475}} Afro-Haitians adopted other aspects of French colonial culture;{{sfn|Cosentino|1995a|p=33}} Vodou drew influence from European grimoires,{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=270|2a1=Beauvoir-Dominique|2y=1995|2pp=162–163}} commedia performances,{{sfn|Cosentino|1995a|p=41}} and Freemasonry, with Masonic lodges having been established across Saint-Domingue in the 18th century.{{sfnm|1a1=Beauvoir-Dominique|1y=1995|1p=161|2a1=Cosentino|2y=1995a|2p=44}} Vodou rituals took place in secret, usually at night; one such rite was described during the 1790s by a white man, Médéric Louis Élie Moreau de Saint-Méry.{{sfnm|1a1=Desmangles|1y=1990|1p=479|2a1=Desmangles|2y=1992|2p=25}}

Some enslaved Afro-Haitians escaped to form Maroon groups, which often practiced Vodou.{{sfnm|1a1=Desmangles|1y=1990|1p=477|2a1=Desmangles|2y=1992|2p=35}}

File:Affaire de Bizoton 1864.png of a child by eight Vodou devotees caused a scandal worldwide and was taken as proof of the evil nature of Vodou.]]

In Haitian lore, Vodou is often presented as having played a vital role in the Haitian Revolution,{{sfn|Thylefors|2009|p=74}} although scholars debate the extent to which this is true.{{sfn|Thylefors|2009|pp=76–77}} According to legend, a Vodou ritual took place in Bois-Caïman on 14 August 1791 at which the participants swore to overthrow the slave owners before massacring local whites and sparking the Revolution.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=42|2a1=Desmangles|2y=1992|2p=29|3a1=Mintz|3a2=Trouillot|3y=1995|3p=138|4a1=Thylefors|4y=2009|4p=75|5a1=Fernández Olmos|5a2=Paravisini-Gebert|5y=2011|5p=118}} Although a popular tale in Haitian folklore, it has no historical evidence to support it.{{sfnm|1a1=Mintz|1a2=Trouillot|1y=1995|1p=138|2a1=Rey|2a2=Richman|2y=2010|2p=386}} Moreover, two of the revolution's early leaders, Boukman and Francois Mackandal, were reputed to be powerful {{lang|ht|oungans}}.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=118}} Amid growing rebellion, the French Emperor Napoleon Bonaparte ordered troops into the colony in 1801,{{sfn|Desmangles|1992|p=29}} but in 1803 the French conceded defeat and the rebel leader Jean-Jacques Dessalines proclaimed Saint-Domingue to be a new republic named Haiti.{{sfn|Desmangles|1992|p=30}}

The Revolution broke up the large land-ownings and created a society of small subsistence farmers.{{sfnm|1a1=Desmangles|1y=1992|1pp=41–42|2a1=Mintz|2a2=Trouillot|2y=1995|2pp=139–140|3a1=Fernández Olmos|3a2=Paravisini-Gebert|3y=2011|3p=118}} Haitians largely began living in {{lang|ht|lakous}}, or extended family compounds, which enabled the preservation of African-derived Creole religions.{{sfnm|1a1=Métraux|1y=1972|1p=59|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=118}} These {{lang|ht|lakous}} often had their own {{lang|ht|lwa rasin}} (root {{lang|ht|lwa}}),{{sfn|Desmangles|1992|p=65}} being intertwined with concepts of land and kinship.{{sfn|Mintz|Trouillot|1995|p=140}} Many Roman Catholic missionaries had been killed in the Revolution,{{sfn|Desmangles|1992|p=42}} and after its victory Dessalines declared himself head of the Church in Haiti.{{sfn|Desmangles|1992|p=42}} Protesting these actions, the Roman Catholic Church cut ties with Haiti in 1805;{{sfnm|1a1=Desmangles|1y=1992|1p=42|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=119}} this allowed Vodou to predominate in the country.{{sfnm|1a1=Desmangles|1y=1992|1p=43|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=119}} Many churches left abandoned were adopted for Vodou rites, continuing the syncretization between the two systems.{{sfnm|1a1=Cosentino|1y=1995a|1p=47|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=119}} At this point, with no new arrivals from Africa, Vodou began to stabilise,{{sfn|Mintz|Trouillot|1995|p=139}} transforming from "a widely-scattered series of local cults" into "a religion".{{sfn|Mintz|Trouillot|1995|p=134}} The Roman Catholic Church re-established its formal presence in Haiti in 1860.{{sfnm|1a1=Desmangles|1y=1992|1p=43|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=119}}

Haiti's first three presidents sought to suppress Vodou, using police to break-up rituals which they feared as a source of rebellion.{{sfn|Desmangles|1992|p=45}} In 1847, Faustin Soulouque became president; he was sympathetic to Vodou and allowed it to be practiced more openly.{{sfn|Desmangles|1992|p=46}} In the Bizoton Affair of 1863, several Vodou practitioners were accused of ritually killing a child before eating it. Historical sources suggest that they may have been tortured prior to confessing to the crime, at which they were executed.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=52}} The affair received much attention.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=52}}

File:Duvalier crop2.jpg

The United States occupied Haiti between 1915 and 1934,{{sfnm|1a1=Desmangles|1y=1992|1p=48|2a1=Mintz|2a2=Trouillot|2y=1995|2p=141}} although it faced armed resistance from Haitian peasants, many of them Vodouists.{{sfnm|1a1=Bellegarde-Smith|1a2=Michel|1y=2006|1p=xviii|2a1=Clérisme|2y=2006|2pp=58, 62}} American occupation encouraged international interest in Vodou,{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=16}} something catered for in the sensationalist writings of Faustin Wirkus, William Seabrook, and John Craige,{{sfn|Hurbon|1995|pp=186–189}} as well as in Vodou-themed shows for tourists.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|pp=56–57}} The period also saw the growing influence of the Roman Catholic Church,{{sfn|Desmangles|1992|p=50}} and in 1941 the Church backed Operation Nettoyage (Operation Cleanup), a government campaign to expunge Vodou, during which many {{lang|ht|ounfòs}} were destroyed.{{sfnm|1a1=Desmangles|1y=1992|1pp=52–53|2a1=Hurbon|2y=1995|2p=190|3a1=Mintz|3a2=Trouillot|3y=1995|3p=142|4a1=Basquiat|4y=2004|4p=30|5a1=Richman|5y=2012|5pp=270–272}} Violent responses from Vodouists led President Élie Lescot to abandon the Operation.{{sfn|Desmangles|1992|p=53}}

During the occupation, the {{lang|ht|indigénisme}} (indigenist) movement developed among Haiti's middle classes, later transmogrifying into the international Négritude movement. These encouraged a more positive assessment of Vodou and peasant culture, a trend supported by the appearance of professional ethnological research on the topic from the 1930s onward.{{sfnm|1a1=Mintz|1a2=Trouillot|1y=1995|1pp=141–142|2a1=Bellegarde-Smith|2a2=Michel|2y=2006|2p=xvii}} Church influence in Haiti was curtailed by François Duvalier, the country's president from 1957 to 1971.{{sfn|Desmangles|1992|pp=53–54}} Although he restored Catholicism as the state religion, Duvalier was widely perceived as a champion of Vodou,{{sfn|Mintz|Trouillot|1995|p=144}} calling it "the supreme factor of Haitian unity".{{sfn|Apter|2002|p=245}} He utilized it for his own purposes, encouraging rumors about his own supernatural powers,{{sfnm|1a1=Mintz|1a2=Trouillot|1y=1995|1p=144|2a1=Germain|2y=2011|2p=248|3a1=Ramsey|3y=2011|3p=12|4a1=Boutros|4y=2011|4p=188}} and selecting {{lang|ht|oungans}} as his {{lang|fr|chefs-de-sections}} (rural section chiefs).{{sfn|Apter|2002|p=246}}

After Duvalier's son and successor, Jean-Claude, was overthrown in 1986, there were attacks on Vodouists perceived to have supported the Duvaliers, partly motivated by Protestant anti-Vodou campaigns; practitioners called this violence the Dechoukaj ('uprooting').{{sfnm|1a1=Mintz|1a2=Trouillot|1y=1995|1pp=146–147|2a1=Ramsey|2y=2011|2pp=11–12|3a1=Fernández Olmos|3a2=Paravisini-Gebert|3y=2011|3p=122|4a1=Hebblethwaite|4y=2015|4p=9}} Two groups, the Zantray and Bode Nasyonal, were formed to defend the rights of Vodouists and hold rallies.{{sfnm|1a1=Mintz|1a2=Trouillot|1y=1995|1p=147|2a1=Clérisme|2y=2006|2p=61|3a1=Ramsey|3y=2011|3p=12}} Haiti's 1987 constitution enshrined freedom of religion,{{sfnm|1a1=Desmangles|1y=1992|1pp=178–179|2a1=Ramsey|2y=2011|2pp=12–13|3a1=Fernández Olmos|3a2=Paravisini-Gebert|3y=2011|3pp=119–120|4a1=Hebblethwaite|4y=2015|4p=17}} after which

President Jean-Bertrand Aristide granted Vodou official recognition in 2003,{{sfnm|1a1=Basquiat|1y=2004|1p=31|2a1=Ramsey|2y=2011|2p=13|3a1=Hebblethwaite|3y=2015|3p=17}} thus allowing Vodouists to officiate at civil ceremonies such as weddings and funerals.{{sfn|Ramsey|2011|p=13}}

File:Swearing-in ceremony of Diaspora GwètòDe by Konfederasyon Nasyonal Vodou Ayisyen 07.jpg in New York City in 2017]]

The latter half of the 20th century saw the substantial growth of evangelical Protestantism in Haiti, generating tensions with Vodouists.{{sfnm|1a1=Fernández Olmos|1a2=Paravisini-Gebert|1y=2011|1p=120|2a1=Richman|2y=2012|2p=268}} These Protestants regard Vodou as Satanic,{{sfnm|1a1=Richman|1y=2012|1p=280|2a1=Hebblethwaite|2y=2015|2p=6}} and unlike the Roman Catholic authorities have generally refused to compromise with its practitioners.{{sfn|Métraux|1972|p=57}} The 2010 Haiti earthquake fuelled conversion from Vodou to Protestantism,{{sfn|Germain|2011|p=255}} with many Protestants claiming that the earthquake was punishment for the sins of the Haitian population, including their practice of Vodou.{{sfnm|1a1=Germain|1y=2011|1pp=255–256|2a1=Boutros|2y=2011|2pp=191–192}} Mob attacks on Vodouists followed in the wake of the earthquake,{{sfn|Germain|2011|p=257}} and again following the 2010 cholera outbreak.{{sfnm|1a1=Valme|1y=2010|2a1=Hebblethwaite|2y=2015|2p=9}}

The first three decades of the 20th century saw growing Haitian migration to eastern Cuba, introducing Vodou to the island.{{sfn|Viddal|2012|pp=205, 207}} From 1957, many Haitians emigrated to escape Duvalier, taking Vodou with them.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|pp=147–148}} In the U.S., Vodou has attracted non-Haitians, especially African Americans and Caribbean migrants,{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=149}} and has syncretized with other religions like Santería and Spiritism.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=149}} During the latter half of the 20th century, those seeking to revive Louisiana Voodoo initiated practices that brought the religion closer to Haitian Vodou or Santería than it had been early in that century.{{sfn|Long|2002|pp=96–97}}

File:Flag of Haiti.svg

Vodou is the majority religion of Haiti,{{sfn|Brown|1995|p=212}} for most Haitians practice both Vodou and Roman Catholicism.{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=120}} An often used joke about Haiti holds that the island's population is 85% Roman Catholic, 15% Protestant, and 100% Vodou.{{sfnm|1a1=Brown|1y=1991|1p=5|2a1=Michel|2y=1996|2p=283}} Even some of those who reject Vodou acknowledge its close associations with Haitian identity.{{sfn|Thylefors|2009|p=74}}

It is difficult to determine how many Haitians practice Vodou, largely because the country has never had an accurate census and many Vodouists will not openly admit they practice the religion.{{sfn|Desmangles|1992|p=52}} Among the country's middle and upper-classes, for instance, many individuals publicly decry Vodou yet privately practice it.{{sfn|Bellegarde-Smith|2006|p=23}} Estimates have nevertheless been made; one suggested that 80% of Haitians practice Vodou,{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=119}} while in 1992, Desmangles put the number of Haitian practitioners at six million.{{sfn|Desmangles|1992|p=2}} Several scholars have suggested that Haitian religion could be seen as a continuum with Vodou on one end and Roman Catholicism at the other, but with most Haitians operating between the two, going through Roman Catholic rites of passage but turning to Vodou ritual specialists in times of crisis.{{sfnm|1a1=McAlister|1y=1998|1p=137|2a1=Richman|2y=2005|2p=24}}

Vodouists learn about the religion by taking part in its rituals,{{sfn|Michel|1996|p=286}} with children learning by observing adults.{{sfn|Michel|1996|p=290}} Vodou does not focus on proselytizing;{{sfnm|1a1=Clérisme|1y=2006|1p=61|2a1=Hebblethwaite|2y=2015|2p=1}} according to Brown, it has "no pretensions to the universal."{{sfn|Brown|1995|p=212}} It has nevertheless spread beyond Haiti, including to other Caribbean countries like the Dominican Republic, Cuba, and Puerto Rico,{{sfn|Thompson|1995|p=119}} as well as to Western countries such as France,{{sfn|Thompson|1995|p=119}} Canada,{{sfn|Drotbohm|2008|p=34}} and the United States.{{sfn|Thompson|1995|p=119}} Major {{lang|ht|ounfòs}} exist in U.S. cities such as Miami, New York City, Washington, DC, Boston, and Oakland, California.{{sfnm|1a1=Thompson|1y=1995|1p=119|2a1=Fernández Olmos|2a2=Paravisini-Gebert|2y=2011|2p=149}}

Various scholars describe Vodou as one of the world's most maligned and misunderstood religions.{{sfnm|1a1=Fandrich|1y=2007|1p=779|2a1=Cosentino|2y=2009|2p=250|3a1=Fernández Olmos|3a2=Paravisini-Gebert|3y=2011|3p=117|4a1=Ramsey|4y=2011|4p=1}} Throughout Haitian history, Christians have often presented Vodou as Satanic,{{sfn|McAlister|2002|p=121}} while in broader Anglophone and Francophone society it has been widely associated with sorcery, witchcraft, and black magic.{{sfnm|1a1=Michel|1y=1996|1p=281|2a1=Basquiat|2y=2004|2p=8|3a1=Fandrich|3y=2007|3p=780|4a1=Ramsey|4y=2011|4p=9}} In U.S. popular culture, for instance, Haitian Vodou is usually portrayed as destructive and malevolent.{{sfn|Michel|2001|p=69}} Non-practitioners have often depicted Vodou in literature, theater, and film;{{sfn|Wilcken|2005|p=193}} in many cases, such as the films White Zombie (1932) and London Voodoo (2004), these promote sensationalist views of the religion.{{sfn|Boutros|2011|p=192}} The lack of any central Vodou authority has hindered efforts to combat these negative representations.{{sfn|Boutros|2011|p=194}}

Humanity's relationship with the {{lang|ht|lwa}} has been a recurring theme in Haitian art,{{sfn|Fernández Olmos|Paravisini-Gebert|2011|p=143}} and the Vodou pantheon was a major topic for the mid-20th century artists of the "Haitian Renaissance."{{sfn|Cosentino|2005|p=235}} In the late 1950s, art collectors began to take an interest in Vodou ritual paraphernalia and by the 1970s an established market for this material had emerged.{{sfn|Girouard|1995|p=359}} Exhibits of Vodou ritual material have been displayed abroad; the Fowler Museum's exhibit on "Sacred Arts of Haitian Vodou" for instance traveled the U.S. for three years in the 1990s.{{sfnm|1a1=Cosentino|1y=1996|1p=1|2a1=Berkovitch|2y=1999|2pp=71, 75|3a1=Long|3y=2002|3p=97}} Vodou has appeared in Haitian literature,{{sfn|Desmangles|1992|p=174}} and has also influenced Haitian music, as with the rasin band Boukman Eksperyans,{{sfnm|1a1=McAlister|1y=1995|1p=316|2a1=McAlister|2y=2002|2p=2|3a1=Bellegarde-Smith|3y=2006|3p=28}} while theatre troupes have performed simulated Vodou rituals for audiences outside Haiti.{{sfn|Wilcken|2007|p=113}} Documentaries focusing on Vodou have appeared{{sfn|Hammond|2012|p=65}}—such as Maya Deren's 1985 film Divine Horsemen{{sfn|Boutros|2011|p=195}}{{Cite web |date=1999-02-21 |title=Notes on Deren's Haitian Footage |url=http://www.algonet.se/~mjsull/haiti.html |access-date=2022-03-05 |website= |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/19990221084236/http://www.algonet.se/~mjsull/haiti.html |archive-date=21 February 1999 |url-status=dead}} or Anne Lescot and Laurence Magloire's 2002 work Of Men and Gods{{sfnm|1a1=Boutros|1y=2011|1p=198|2a1=Hammond|2y=2012|2p=65}}—which have in turn encouraged some viewers to take a practical interest in the religion.{{sfn|Boutros|2011|p=198}}

• Haitian mythology
• Haitian Vodou art
• Voodoo in popular culture

{{Portal|Traditional African religion}}

{{Notelist}}

{{Reflist|22em}} Williams 1997

{{Refbegin|30em|indent=yes}}

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• {{cite journal |last=Basquiat |first=Jennifer Huss |year=2004 |title=Embodied Mormonism: Performance, Vodou and the LDS Church in Haiti |journal=Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought |volume=37 |issue=4 |pages=1–34 |doi=10.2307/45227646 |jstor=45227646 |s2cid=254397178 |doi-access=free }}
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• {{cite encyclopedia |last=Bellegarde-Smith |first=Patrick |year=2005 |contribution=The Spirit of the Thing: Religious Thought and Social/Historical Memory |title=Fragments of Bone: Neo-African Religions in a New World |pages=52–69 |editor=Patrick Bellegarde-Smith |publisher=University of Illinois Press |location=Urbana and Chicago |isbn=978-0-252-07205-5}}
• {{cite book |last=Bellegarde-Smith |first=Patrick |chapter=Broken Mirrors: Mythos, Memories, and National History |editor-last1=Bellegarde-Smith |editor-first1=Patrick |editor-last2=Michel |editor-first2=Claudine |title=Haitian Vodou: Spirit, Myth and Reality |publisher=Indiana University Press |location=Bloomington and Indianapolis |year=2006 |pages=19–31 |isbn=978-0-253-21853-7}}
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• {{cite book | last1 = Brown | first1 = Karen McCarthy | year = 1991 | title = Mama Lola: A Vodou Priestess in Brooklyn | publisher = University of California Press | location = Berkeley | isbn = 0-520-22475-2 }}
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• {{cite book |last=Cosentino |first=Donald J. |editor-first=Cosentino |editor-last=Donald J. |title=Sacred Arts of Haitian Vodou |publisher=Los Angeles: UCLA Fowler Museum of Cultural History |year=1995a |pages=25–55 |chapter=Imagine Heaven |isbn=0-930741-47-1 }}
• {{cite book |last=Cosentino |first=Donald J. |editor-first=Cosentino |editor-last=Donald J. |title=Sacred Arts of Haitian Vodou |publisher=Los Angeles: UCLA Fowler Museum of Cultural History |year=1995b |pages=243–263 |chapter=It's All for You, Sen Jak! |isbn=0-930741-47-1 }}
• {{cite book |last=Cosentino |first=Donald J. |editor-first=Cosentino |editor-last=Donald J. |title=Sacred Arts of Haitian Vodou |publisher=Los Angeles: UCLA Fowler Museum of Cultural History |year=1995c |pages=399–415 |chapter=Envoi: The Gedes and Bawon Samdi |isbn=0-930741-47-1 }}
• {{cite journal |last=Cosentino |first=Donald |year=1996 |title=Doing Vodou |journal=African Arts |volume= 29 |number=2 |pages=1–14 |doi=10.2307/3337357 |jstor=3337357 }}
• {{cite journal |last=Cosentino |first=Donald |year=2005 |title=Vodou in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction |journal= RES: Anthropology and Aesthetics |volume=47 |number=47 |pages=231–246 |doi=10.1086/RESv47n1ms20167667 |jstor=20167667 |s2cid=193638958 }}
• {{cite journal |last=Cosentino |first=Donald |year=2009 |title=Vodou: A Way of Life |journal=Material Religion |volume=5 |issue=2 |pages=250–252 |doi=10.2752/174322009X12448040552160 |s2cid=191333249 }}
• {{cite journal |last1=Courlander |first1=Harold |title=The Word Voodoo |journal=African Arts |volume=21 |issue=2 (February) |pages=88 |year=1988 |jstor=3336535 |doi=10.2307/3336535}}
• {{cite book |last=Crosley |first=Réginald O. |chapter=Shadow-Matter Universes in Haitian and Dagara Ontologies: A Comparative Study |editor-last1=Bellegarde-Smith |editor-first1=Patrick |editor-last2=Michel |editor-first2=Claudine |title=Haitian Vodou: Spirit, Myth and Reality |publisher=Indiana University Press |location=Bloomington and Indianapolis |year=2006 |pages=7–18 |isbn=978-0-253-21853-7}}
• {{cite journal |last=de Heusch |first=Luc |title=Kongo in Haiti: A New Approach to Religious Syncretism |journal=Man |year=1989 |volume=24 |issue=2 |pages=290–303 |doi=10.2307/2803307 |jstor=2803307 }}
• {{cite journal |last=Derby |first=Lauren |year=2015 |title=Imperial Idols: French and United States Revenants in Haitian Vodou |journal=History of Religions |volume=54 |issue=4 |pages=394–422 |doi=10.1086/680175 |jstor=10.1086/680175 |s2cid=163428569 }}
• {{cite journal |last=Desmangles |first=Leslie G. |title=The Maroon Republics and Religious Diversity in Colonial Haiti |journal=Anthropos | volume = 85 | issue = 4/6 | pages = 475–482 |year=1990 |jstor=40463572 }}
• {{cite book |last=Desmangles |first=Leslie |title=The Faces of the Gods: Vodou and Roman Catholicism in Haiti |location=Chapel Hill |publisher=University of North Carolina Press |year=1992 |isbn=978-0-8078-4393-2 }}
• {{cite journal |last=Desmangles |first=Leslie G. |title=Replacing the Term "Voodoo" with "Vodou": A Proposal |journal=Journal of Haitian Studies |volume=18 |number=2 |year=2012 |pages=26–33 |jstor=41949201 }}
• {{cite journal |last=Drotbohm |first=Heike |year=2008 |title=Of Spirits and Virgins: Situating Belonging in Haitian Religious Spaces in Montreal, Canada |journal=Suomen Antropologi: Journal of the Finnish Anthropological Society |volume=33 |issue=1 |pages=33-50 }}
• {{cite book |last=Emore |first=Holli S. |year=2021 |title=Constellated Ministry: A Guide for Those Serving Today's Pagans |location=Sheffield |publisher=Equinox |isbn=978-1-78179-957-4 }}
• {{cite journal | last1 = Fandrich | first1 = Ina J. |title=Yorùbá Influences on Haitian Vodou and New Orleans Voodoo | journal = Journal of Black Studies | volume = 37 | issue = 5 | pages = 775–791 | year = 2007 | jstor = 40034365 | doi=10.1177/0021934705280410 | s2cid = 144192532 }}
• {{cite book |last1=Fernández Olmos |first1=Margarite |last2=Paravisini-Gebert |first2=Lizabeth |year=2011 |title=Creole Religions of the Caribbean: An Introduction from Vodou and Santería to Obeah and Espiritismo |location=New York and London |publisher=New York University Press |edition=second |isbn=978-0-8147-6228-8 }}
• {{cite book |last=Fleurant |first=Gerdès |chapter=Vodun, Music, and Society in Haiti: Affirmation and Identity |editor-last1=Bellegarde-Smith |editor-first1=Patrick |editor-last2=Michel |editor-first2=Claudine |title=Haitian Vodou: Spirit, Myth and Reality |publisher=Indiana University Press |location=Bloomington and Indianapolis |year=2006 |pages=46–57 |isbn=978-0-253-21853-7}}
• {{cite journal |last=Germain |first=Felix |title=The Earthquake, the Missionaries, and the Future of Vodou |journal=Journal of Black Studies |volume=42 |number=2 |year=2011 |pages=247–263 |doi=10.1177/0021934710394443 |jstor=41151338 |s2cid=144087606 }}
• {{cite book |last=Girouard |first=Tina |editor-first=Cosentino |editor-last=Donald J. |title=Sacred Arts of Haitian Vodou |publisher=Los Angeles: UCLA Fowler Museum of Cultural History |year=1995 |pages=357–377 |chapter=The Sequin Arts of Vodou |isbn=0-930741-47-1 }}
• {{cite book |last=Hagedorn |first=Katherine J. |year=2001 |title=Divine Utterances: The Performance of Afro-Cuban Santería |location=Washington, DC |publisher=Smithsonian Books |isbn=978-1-56098-947-9 }}
• {{cite journal |last=Hammond |first=Charlotte |title="Children" of the Gods: Filming the Private Rituals of Haitian Vodou |journal=Journal of Haitian Studies |volume=18 |issue=2 |year=2012 |pages=64–82 |jstor=41949204 }}
• {{cite journal |last=Hebblethwaite |first=Benjamin |year=2015 |title=The Scapegoating of Haitian Vodou Religion: David Brooks's (2010) Claim That "Voodoo" is a "Progress-Resistant" Cultural Influence |journal=Journal of Black Studies |volume=46 |issue=1 |pages=3–22 |doi=10.1177/0021934714555186 |s2cid=54828385 }}
• {{cite book |last=Houlberg |first=Marilyn |editor-first=Cosentino |editor-last=Donald J. |title=Sacred Arts of Haitian Vodou |publisher=Los Angeles: UCLA Fowler Museum of Cultural History |year=1995 |pages=267–283 |chapter=Magique Marasa: The Ritual Cosmos of Twins and Other Sacred Children |isbn=0-930741-47-1 }}
• {{cite book |last=Hurbon |first=Laënnec | author-link = Laënnec Hurbon | editor-first = Cosentino | editor-last = Donald J. | title = Sacred Arts of Haitian Vodou | publisher = Los Angeles: UCLA Fowler Museum of Cultural History | year = 1995 | pages = 181–197 | chapter = American Fantasy and Haitian Vodou | isbn = 0-930741-47-1 }}
• {{cite book |last=Johnson |first=Paul Christopher |title=Secrets, Gossip, and Gods: The Transformation of Brazilian Candomblé |year=2002 |publisher=Oxford University Press |location=Oxford and New York |isbn=978-0-19-515058-2 }}
• {{cite journal |last=Long |first=Carolyn Morrow |title=Perceptions of New Orleans Voodoo: Sin, Fraud, Entertainment, and Religion |journal=Nova Religio: The Journal of Alternative and Emergent Religions |volume=6 |issue=1 |year=2002 |pages=86–101 |doi=10.1525/nr.2002.6.1.86 |jstor=10.1525/nr.2002.6.1.86 }}
• {{cite book |last=Métraux |first=Alfred |title=Voodoo in Haiti |year=1972 |orig-year=1959 |translator=Hugo Charteris |location=New York |publisher=Schocken Books }}
• {{cite book |last=McAlister |first=Elizabeth |editor-first=Cosentino |editor-last=Donald J. |title=Sacred Arts of Haitian Vodou |publisher=Los Angeles: UCLA Fowler Museum of Cultural History |year=1995 |pages=305–321 |chapter=A Sorcerer's Bottle: The Visual Art of Magic in Haiti |isbn=0-930741-47-1 |url=http://works.bepress.com/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1021&context=elizabeth_mcalister |access-date=2015-05-03 |archive-date=2015-05-05 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20150505003906/http://works.bepress.com/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1021&context=elizabeth_mcalister |url-status=live }}
• {{cite book |last=McAlister |first=Elizabeth |year=1998 |chapter-url=http://wesscholar.wesleyan.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1015&context=div2facpubs |chapter=The Madonna of 115th St. Revisited: Vodou and Haitian Catholicism in the Age of Transnationalism |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090827140604/http://wesscholar.wesleyan.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1015&context=div2facpubs |archive-date=2009-08-27 |editor-first=S. |editor-last=Warner |title=Gatherings in Diaspora |location=Philadelphia |publisher=Temple University Press}}
• {{cite book |last=McAlister |first=Elizabeth |year=2002 |title=Rara! Vodou, Power, and Performance in Haiti and its Diaspora |location=Berkeley |publisher=University of California Press |isbn=978-0-520-22822-1}}
• {{cite journal |last=Michel |first=Claudine |title=Of Worlds Seen and Unseen: The Educational Character of Haitian Vodou |journal=Comparative Education Review |volume=40 |number=3 |year=1996 |jstor=1189105 |pages=280–294 |doi=10.1086/447386 |s2cid=144256087 }}
• {{cite journal |last=Michel |first=Claudine |title=Women's Moral and Spiritual Leadership in Haitian Vodou: The Voice of Mama Lola and Karen McCarthy Brown |journal=Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion |volume=17 |number=2 |year=2001 |pages=61–87 |jstor=25002412 }}
• {{cite book |last1=Michel |first1=Claudine |last2=Bellegarde-Smith |first2=Patrick |last3=Racine-Toussaint |first3=Marlène |chapter=From the Horses' Mouths: Women's Words/Women's Worlds |editor-last1=Bellegarde-Smith |editor-first1=Patrick |editor-last2=Michel |editor-first2=Claudine |title=Haitian Vodou: Spirit, Myth and Reality |publisher=Indiana University Press |location=Bloomington and Indianapolis |year=2006 |pages=70–83 |isbn=978-0-253-21853-7}}
• {{cite book |last1=Mintz |first1=Sidney |last2=Trouillot |first2=Michel-Rolph |editor-first=Cosentino |editor-last=Donald J. |title=Sacred Arts of Haitian Vodou |publisher=Los Angeles: UCLA Fowler Museum of Cultural History |year=1995 |pages=123–147 |chapter=The Social History of Haitian Vodou |isbn=0-930741-47-1 }}
• {{cite book |last=Montilus |first=Guérin C. |chapter=Vodun and Social Transformation in the African Diasporic Experience: The Concept of Personhood in Haitian Vodun Religion |editor-last1=Bellegarde-Smith |editor-first1=Patrick |editor-last2=Michel |editor-first2=Claudine |title=Haitian Vodou: Spirit, Myth and Reality |publisher=Indiana University Press |location=Bloomington and Indianapolis |year=2006 |pages=1–6 |isbn=978-0-253-21853-7}}
• {{cite book |last=Polk |first=Patrick |editor-first=Cosentino |editor-last=Donald J. |title=Sacred Arts of Haitian Vodou |publisher=Los Angeles: UCLA Fowler Museum of Cultural History |year=1995 |pages=325–347 |chapter=Sacred Banners and the Divine Cavalry Charge |isbn=0-930741-47-1 }}
• {{cite book |last=Ramsey |first=Kate |year=2011 |title=The Spirits and the Law: Vodou and Power in Haiti |location=Chicago |publisher=University of Chicago Press |isbn=978-0-226-70379-4}}
• {{cite journal |last=Ramsey |first=Kate |title=From 'Voodooism' to 'Vodou': Changing a US Library of Congress Subject Heading |journal=Journal of Haitian Studies |volume=18 |number=2 |year=2012 |pages=14–25|issn=2333-7311|jstor=41949200}}
• {{cite journal |last1=Rey |first1=Terry |first2=Karen |last2=Richman |title=The Somatics of Syncretism: Tying Body and Soul in Haitian Religion |journal=Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses |year=2010 |volume=39 |issue=3 |pages=279–403 |doi=10.1177/0008429810373321 |s2cid=145782975 |url=http://sir.sagepub.com/content/41/2/231.full.pdf+html |access-date=2013-09-26 |archive-date=2013-03-07 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130307071353/http://sir.sagepub.com/content/41/2/231.full.pdf+html |url-status=live }}
• {{cite book |last=Richman |first=Karen E. |year=2005 |title=Migration and Vodou |location=Gainesville, FL |publisher=University Press of Florida |isbn= 978-0-8130-3325-9 }}
• {{cite book |last=Richman |first=Karen |chapter=The Vodou State and the Protestant Nation: Haiti in the Long Twentieth Century |editor-last1=Paton |editor-first1=Diana |editor-last2=Forde |editor-first2=Maarit |title=Obeah and Other Powers: The Politics of Caribbean Religion and Healing |publisher=Duke University Press |location=Durham and London |year=2012 |pages=268–287 |isbn=978-0-8223-5133-7}}
• {{cite book |last=Smith |first=Katherine |chapter=Atis Rezistans: Gede and the Art of Vagabondaj |editor-last1=Paton |editor-first1=Diana |editor-last2=Forde |editor-first2=Maarit |title=Obeah and Other Powers: The Politics of Caribbean Religion and Healing |publisher=Duke University Press |location=Durham and London |year=2012 |pages=121–145 |isbn=978-0-8223-5133-7}}
• {{cite book |last=Thompson |first=Robert Farris |editor-first=Cosentino |editor-last=Donald J. |title=Sacred Arts of Haitian Vodou |publisher=Los Angeles: UCLA Fowler Museum of Cultural History |year=1995 |pages=91–119 |chapter=From the Isle Beneath the Sea: Haiti's Africanizing Vodou Art |isbn=0-930741-47-1 }}
• {{cite journal |first=Markel |last=Thylefors |title='Our Government is in Bwa Kayiman:' A Vodou Ceremony in 1791 and its Contemporary Significations |journal=Stockholm Review of Latin American Studies |issue=4 |pages=73–84 |year=2009 |url=http://www.lai.su.se/gallery/bilagor/SRoLAS_No4_6.%20%E2%80%9DOur%20Government%20is%20in.pdf |access-date=2009-04-26 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120722160838/http://www.lai.su.se/gallery/bilagor/SRoLAS_No4_6.%20%E2%80%9DOur%20Government%20is%20in.pdf |archive-date=2012-07-22 }}
• {{cite news |url = http://www.cnn.com/2010/WORLD/americas/12/24/haiti.cholera.killings/index.html?hpt=Sbin%20Officials:%2045%20people%20lynched%20in%20Haiti%20amid%20cholera%20fears |title = Officials: 45 people lynched in Haiti amid cholera fears |last1 = Valme |first1 = Jean M. |date = 24 December 2010 |publisher = CNN |access-date = 22 March 2012 |archive-date = 22 July 2013 |archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20130722175827/http://www.cnn.com/2010/WORLD/americas/12/24/haiti.cholera.killings/index.html?hpt=Sbin%20Officials:%2045%20people%20lynched%20in%20Haiti%20amid%20cholera%20fears |url-status = live }}
• {{cite journal |last=Viddal |first=Grete |title=Vodú Chic: Haitian Religion and the Folkloric Imaginary in Socialist Cuba |journal=NWIG: New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids |volume=86 |number=3/4 |year=2012 |pages=205–235 |doi=10.1163/13822373-90002414 |jstor=24713388 |s2cid=145157609 |url=http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:10502407 |doi-access=free }}
• {{cite journal |last=Wilcken |first=Lois |title=The Sacred Music and Dance of Haitian Vodou from Temple to Stage and the Ethics of Representation |journal=Latin American Perspectives |volume=32 |number=1 |year=2005 |pages=193–210 |doi=10.1177/0094582X04271880 |jstor=30040235 |s2cid=144260390 }}
• {{cite journal |last=Wilcken |first=Lois |title=Vodou Theater in the Land of the Rising Sun: A Report from Tokyo |journal=Journal of Haitian Studies |volume=13 |issue=1 |year=2007 |pages=112–117 |jstor=41715346 }}

{{Refend}}

{{Refbegin|30em|indent=yes}}

• {{cite book |last=Benedicty-Kokken |first=Alessandra |year=2014 |title=Spirit Possession in French, Haitian, and Vodou Thought: An Intellectual History |location=Lanham |publisher=Lexington |isbn= 978-0-7391-8465-3 }}
• {{cite journal | last = Cosentino | first = Donald J. | title = More On Voodoo | journal = African Arts | volume = 21 | issue = 3 (May) | pages = 77 | year = 1988 | doi = 10.2307/3336454 | jstor = 3336454 }}
• {{cite book |last=Daniel |first=Yvonne |year=2005 |title=Dancing Wisdom: Embodied Knowledge in Haitian Vodou, Cuban Yoruba, and Bahian Candomblé |location=Urbana and Chicago |publisher=University of Illinois Press |isbn= 978-0-252-07207-9 }}
• {{cite book |last=Deren |first=Maya |year=1953 |title=Divine Horsemen: The Living Gods of Haiti |location=New York |publisher=Thames and Hudson }}
• {{cite book |last=Hebblethwaite |first=Benjamin |year=2021 |title=A Transatlantic History of Haitian Vodou: Rasin Figuier, Rasin Bwa Kayiman, and the Rada and Gede Rites |publisher=University Press of Mississippi |location=Jackson |isbn=978-1-4968-3560-4 }}
• {{cite book |last=Herskovits |first=Melville J. |title=Life in a Haitian Valley |publisher=Knopf |location=New York City |year=1937 }}
• {{cite book |last1=Joseph |first1=Celucien L. |last2=Cleophat |first2=Nixon S. |title=Vodou in the Haitian Experience: A Black Atlantic Perspective |year=2016 |location=Lanham |publisher=Lexington |isbn=978-1-4985-0834-6 }}
• {{cite book |last1=Joseph |first1=Celucien L. |last2=Cleophat |first2=Nixon S. |year=2016 |title=Vodou in Haitian Memory: The Idea and Representation of Vodou in Haitian Imagination |location=Lanham |publisher=Lexington |isbn= 978-1-4985-0834-6}}
• {{cite book |first=Michael |last=Largey |year=2009 |title=Vodou Nation: Haitian Art Music and Cultural Nationalism |edition=enlarged |location=Chicago |publisher=University of Chicago Press |isbn=978-0-226-46865-5}}
• {{cite book |last=Long |first=Carolyn |year=2001 |title=Spiritual Merchants: Magic, Religion and Commerce |location=Knoxville |publisher=University of Tennessee Press |isbn=978-1-57233-110-5}}
• {{cite journal | last1 = McAlister | first1 = Elizabeth | title = Sacred Stories from the Haitian Diaspora: A Collective Biography of Seven Vodou Priestesses in New York City | journal = Journal of Caribbean Studies | volume = 9 | issue = 1 & 2 (Winter) | pages = 10–27 | year = 1993 | url = http://wesscholar.wesleyan.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1012&context=div2facpubs | access-date = 2012-03-22 | archive-date = 2012-04-22 | archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20120422100554/http://wesscholar.wesleyan.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1012&context=div2facpubs | url-status = live}}
• {{cite book |last1=Rey |first1=Terry |last2=Stepick |first2=Alex |year=2013 |title=Crossing the Water and Keeping the Faith: Haitian Religion in Miami |location=New York and London |publisher=NYU Press |isbn= 978-0-8147-7708-4 }}
• {{cite book |last=Strongman |first=Roberto |year=2019 |title=Queering Black Atlantic Religions: Transcorporeality in Candomblé, Santería, and Vodou |series=Religious Cultures of African and African Diaspora People |location=Durham, NC |publisher=Duke University Press |isbn= 978-1-4780-0310-6}}
• {{cite book |last=Vanhee |first=Hein |year=2002 |chapter=Central African Popular Christianity and the Making of Haitian Vodou Religion |title=Central Africans and Cultural Transformations in the American Diaspora |editor=L. M. Heywood |location=Cambridge |publisher=Cambridge University Press |pages=243–264 |isbn=978-0-521-00278-3}}

{{Refend}}

{{Commons category|Haitian Vodou}}

• [https://web.archive.org/web/20100210185240/http://speakingoffaith.publicradio.org/programs/2010/vodou/ Living Vodou]. Speaking of Faith from American Public Media. Audio and [https://archive.today/20130113043734/http://speakingoffaith.publicradio.org/programs/2010/vodou/transcript.shtml transcript]. February 4, 2010

{{Afro-American Religions}}

{{Haiti topics}}

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Category:Afro-Caribbean religion

Category:Afro-Haitian culture

Category:Afro-American religion

Category:Christianity and religious syncretism

Category:Folk Catholicism

Category:Religion in Haiti