13 May incident

{{Main|History of Malaysia}}

On 31 August 1957, Malaya gained its independence from colonial rule. The country, however, suffered from a sharp division of wealth between the Chinese, who dominated most urban areas and were perceived to be in control of a large portion of the nation's economy, and the Malays, who were generally poorer and lived in more rural areas. The special privileged position of Malay political power, however, is guaranteed under Article 153 of the constitution, written during Malayan independence.{{cite book |url= https://books.google.com/books?id=PdfIAAAAQBAJ&pg=PA39 |title=The Christianity of culture: conversion, ethnic citizenship, and the matter of religion in Malaysian Borneo |page=39 |author=Liana Chua |publisher = Palgrave Macmillan |year= 2012 |isbn=978-1-137-01272-2 }}

There were heated debates between Malay groups wanting radical measures to institutionalise Malay supremacy (Ketuanan Melayu), while Chinese groups called for their "racial" interest to be protected, and non-Malay opposition party members arguing for a 'Malaysian Malaysia" rather than Malay privilege.{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=n0L9AgAAQBAJ&pg=PA14 |title=Islam, Politics and Youth in Malaysia: The Pop-Islamist Reinvention of PAS|author= Dominik M. Mueller |pages=13–14 |publisher= Routledge |year= 2014 |isbn=978-0-415-84475-8 }} In 1963, amid a background of racial tension, Malaysia was formed as a federation that incorporated Malaya (Peninsular Malaysia), Singapore, North Borneo, and Sarawak.

There had been several incidents of racial conflict between Malays and Chinese before the 1969 riots. For example, in Penang, hostility between the races turned into violence during the centenary celebration of George Town in 1957, which resulted in several days of fighting and several deaths,{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=UwA1aaB2WGgC&pg=PA275 |title=The Deadly Ethnic Riot|author= Donald L. Horowitz |publisher=University of California Press |year= 2003 |page=275 |isbn=978-0-520-23642-4 }} and there were further disturbances in 1959 and 1964 as well as a riot in 1967, which originated as a protest against currency devaluation but turned into racial killings.{{cite web |url=http://penangmonthly.com/penangs-forgotten-protest-the-1967-hartal/ |date=25 August 2014 |title=Penang's forgotten protest: The 1967 Hartal |work=Penang Monthly |access-date=7 May 2015 |archive-date=30 November 2016 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20161130121707/http://penangmonthly.com/penangs-forgotten-protest-the-1967-hartal/ |url-status=dead }}{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=UwA1aaB2WGgC&pg=PA255 |title=The Deadly Ethnic Riot|author= Donald L. Horowitz |publisher=University of California Press |year= 2003 |page=255 |isbn=978-0-520-23642-4 }} In Singapore, antagonism between the races led to the 1964 race riots, which contributed to the separation of Singapore from Malaysia on 9 August 1965.

In the 1969 general election, the governing coalition of the Alliance Party faced a strong challenge from opposition parties, in particular the two newly formed and mainly Chinese parties, the Democratic Action Party (DAP) and Parti Gerakan. The election was preceded by outbreaks of racial incidents that contributed to a tense atmosphere. A Malay political worker was killed by a Chinese gang in Penang, while a Chinese Labour Party activist was shot and killed in a clash with police in Kuala Lumpur.{{Cite book |author=Julian C. H. Lee|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ffqhasVKyncC |title=Islamization and Activism in Malaysia |page=41 |publisher=Institute of Southeast Asian Studies |year=2010 |isbn=978-981-4279-03-1}} Radical opponents called for a boycott of the election and threatened violence, but the funeral procession of the shot activist, which drew large crowds of more than ten thousand and was held before election day, passed largely peacefully despite a number of disruptive incidents.{{cite journal |title=May 13: Before and After. by Tunku Abdul Rahman; Malaysia: Death of a Democracy. by John Slimming; The May 13 Tragedy: A Report. by The National Operations Council; The May Thirteenth Incident and Democracy in Malaysia. by Goh Cheng Tiek|author= Gayl D. Ness |journal=The Journal of Asian Studies |volume= 31 |issue= 3 |date= May 1972 |pages= 734–736 |doi=10.1017/s0021911800137969|doi-broken-date= 8 January 2025 |jstor = 2052316}}{{cite book |author=Ranjit Gill |url=https://p-library2.s3.filebase.com/singapore-malaysia/Ranjit%20Gill/Of%20Political%20Bondage%20%281954%29/Of%20Political%20Bondage%20-%20Ranjit%20Gill.pdf |title=Of Political Bondage |publisher=Sterling Corporate Services |year=1990 |isbn=981-00-2136-4 |location=Singapore |pages=78–80 |access-date=5 September 2022 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220904173053/https://p-library2.s3.filebase.com/singapore-malaysia/Ranjit%20Gill/Of%20Political%20Bondage%20%281954%29/Of%20Political%20Bondage%20-%20Ranjit%20Gill.pdf |archive-date=4 September 2022 |url-status=live}}{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=QooeAAAAMAAJ |title=Malay Politics in Malaysia: A Study of the United Malays National Organisation and Party Islam |author=N. John Funston |publisher=Heinemann Educational Books (Asia) |year=1980 |page=208 |isbn=9780686318187}}

The general election was held on 10 May 1969, without any incidents. The result showed that the Alliance had won less than half of the popular vote, a large setback for the ruling coalition.{{sfn|Ooi|2004|page=[https://books.google.com/books?id=QKgraWbb7yoC&pg=PA139 138–139]}} On the national level, the Alliance had gained a majority of seats in parliament, albeit a significantly reduced one. The number of seats won by the Chinese component of the Alliance, the Malaysian Chinese Association, had been reduced by half. On the state level, the Alliance had only gained the majority in Selangor by co-operating with the sole independent candidate as the opposition had tied with the Alliance for control of the Selangor state legislature (although immediately after the election, it was unclear that the Alliance would still have control). The Alliance lost control of Kelantan (to the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party) and Perak, and the opposition Gerakan won control of the state government in Penang.{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NOtXcEmHdjoC&pg=PA105 |title=Malaysia: The Making of a Nation |author=Boon Kheng Cheah |page=105 |publisher=Institute of Southeast Asian Studies |year=2002 |isbn=978-9812301543}}

On the nights of 11 and 12 May, the DAP and Gerakan celebrated their success in the election, with permission being sought by Tan Chee Khoon from the police. In particular, a large Gerakan procession welcomed the Gerakan leader, V. David.{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=iG5wAAAAMAAJ&q=%2211th+and+12th+May,+the+Opposition+celebrated%22 |title=May 13: Declassified Documents on the Malaysian Riots of 1969 |author= Kia Soong Kua |date= 2007 |page=42 |publisher=Suaram|isbn=978-9834136765}} Opposition parades passed through Malay communities such as Kampung Baru and were alleged to be highly provocative, with non-Malays taunting Malays while bearing slogans such as "{{lang|ms|Semua Melayu kasi habis}}" (finish off all the Malays) and "{{lang|ms|Kuala Lumpur sekarang Cina punya}}" (Kuala Lumpur now belongs to the Chinese).{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=RkWCNJCl0WAC&pg=PA78 |last=Hwang |first=In-Won |date=2003 |title=Personalized Politics: The Malaysian State under Mahathir |page=78 |publisher= Institute of Southeast Asian Studies |isbn=981-230-185-2}} Some opposition supporters were said to have driven past the residence of the Selangor chief minister and demanded that he abandon the house in favour of a Chinese person.

Celebrations by opposition parties were seen as an attack on Malay political power. Although the election results still favoured the Malays despite losses, the Malay newspaper Utusan Melayu suggested in an editorial that the results had jeopardised the future of Malay rule and that prompt action was required to shore it up.{{cite book |url= https://books.google.com/books?id=UwA1aaB2WGgC&pg=PA285 |title= The Deadly Ethnic Riot |author= Donald L. Horowitz |publisher=University of California Press |year= 2003 |page=285 |isbn=978-0-520-23642-4 }} On 12 May, members of UMNO Youth indicated to Selangor's Menteri Besar, Harun Idris, that they wanted to hold a victory parade. UMNO then announced a procession that would start from Idris's residence. Tunku Abdul Rahman would later call the retaliatory parade "inevitable, as otherwise the party members would be demoralised after the show of strength by the Opposition and the insults that had been thrown at them". Malays were brought from the rural areas into Kuala Lumpur, which was then a predominantly Chinese city. Thousands of Malays, some of them armed, arrived to join the parade.{{cite book |url= https://books.google.com/books?id=UwA1aaB2WGgC&pg=PA284 |title= The Deadly Ethnic Riot |author= Donald L. Horowitz |publisher=University of California Press |year= 2003 |page=284 |isbn=978-0-520-23642-4 }}

The UMNO procession was planned for 7:30 pm on Tuesday, 13 May. That morning, Malays began to gather at the residence of Harun Idris on Jalan Raja Muda, on the edge of Kampung Baru, although some were already there as early as Sunday evening. They came from various parts of the state, such as Morib (Harun's constituency) and Banting, and some were said to have came from parts of Perak.{{sfn|Slimming|1969|page=27 }} According to the National Operations Council's (NOC) official report, at around 6:30 pm, fistfights broke out in Setapak between a group of Malays from Gombak travelling to the rally and Chinese bystanders who taunted them, and this escalated into bottle- and stone-throwing.{{sfn|von Vorys|1975|page=[https://books.google.com/books?id=CKN9BgAAQBAJ&pg=PA328 328]}} News of the fighting then reached the gathering crowd in Jalan Raja Muda, and shortly before 6:30 pm, many Malays broke off from the rallying point at Idris's house and headed through adjoining Chinese sections. The Malays, armed with parangs and kris, burned cars and shops, killed, and looted in the Chinese areas. According to Time, at least eight Chinese people were killed in the initial attack.{{cite magazine|title=Preparing for a Pogrom |url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,900859-1,00.html |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20071019061451/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0%2C9171%2C900859-1%2C00.html |archive-date=19 October 2007 |magazine=Time |page=3 |date=18 July 1969 |access-date=14 May 2007 |url-status=dead }} Once violence broke out, it spread rapidly and uncontrollably throughout the city within 45 minutes,{{cite magazine|url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,900859,00.html |title=Race War in Malaysia |magazine=Time |date=23 May 1969 |access-date=14 May 2007 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070518061525/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0%2C9171%2C900859%2C00.html |archive-date=18 May 2007 |url-status=dead }} to Jalan Campbell, Jalan Tuanku Abdul Rahman (Batu Road), Kampung Datuk Keramat, Kampung Pandan, Cheras, and Kampung Kerinchi.{{harvnb|The National Operations Council|1979|page=49}}

File:Pictures in Tunku Abdul Rahman's book "May 13 Before and After" (cropped - car 1).png

According to John Slimming, who wrote an account of the riot in 1969, the Chinese were taken by surprise and did not retaliate for more than an hour.{{sfn|Slimming|1969|page=29 }} The NOC's official report, however, suggested that Chinese secret society elements had prepared for trouble and were in action when the violence started in Kampung Baru.{{harvnb|The National Operations Council|1979|pages=53–54}} On Batu Road, Chinese and Indian shopkeepers began to form themselves into an improvised defence force, while a Malay mob attempting to storm the Chow Kit Road area was met with armed secret society gang members and ran.{{sfn|von Vorys|1975|page=[https://books.google.com/books?id=CKN9BgAAQBAJ&pg=PA333 333]}} The Chinese attacked Malays who were found in Chinese areas, and Malay patrons in cinemas were singled out and killed.{{sfn|von Vorys|1975|page=[https://books.google.com/books?id=CKN9BgAAQBAJ&pg=PA333 333]}} The Chinese also attempted to burn down the UMNO headquarters on Batu Road and besieged the Salak South police station.{{sfn|Slimming|1969|page=29 }}{{harvnb|The National Operations Council|1979|page=60}} The Sungai Besi police station was attacked, by mobs of unknown ethnicity, according to a report in The Straits Times.{{Cite news |date=14 May 1969 |title=State of crisis in Selangor |url=https://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/newspapers/digitised/article/straitstimes19690514-1.2.2?qt=sungei,%20besi,%20police,%20station&q=sungei%20besi%20police%20station |access-date=28 May 2025 |work=The Straits Times |pages=1, 22 |quote=The police station at Sungei Besi was attacked.}}

File:Page 6 of The Straits Times, published on 15 May 1969 (cropped).jpg on the night of 13 May. Flames of a burning car and shophouse can be faintly seen in the top right background.]]

Early in the evening, the rioters were met by police, who used tear gas in an attempt to control them. A 24-hour curfew for Kuala Lumpur was imposed at 7:00 pm.{{sfn|Tunku Abdul Rahman|1969|page=87}} Later, between 8:30 and 9:00 pm, a shoot-to-kill order was given by Inspector General of Police Mohamed Salleh bin Ismael. This was followed by another shoot-to-kill order from the Chief of Armed Forces, General Tunku Osman Jiwa.{{sfn|Slimming|1969|pages=30–31 }} The army was deployed, and they entered the areas affected by rioting at around 10:00 pm.{{harvnb|The National Operations Council|1979|page=61}} Many people who were unaware of the curfew order were shot. Some were also shot while standing in their own doorways and gardens. Foreign correspondents reported seeing members of the Royal Malay Regiment firing into Chinese shophouses for no apparent reason.{{sfn|Slimming|1969|pages=30–31 }}

By 5:00 am the next morning, the authorities at Kuala Lumpur Hospital reported that there were about 80 dead at the facility. Members of the hospital staff also reported that the initial casualties between 7:00 and 8:30 pm had all been Chinese suffering from parang slashes and stab wounds, but that between 8:30 and 10:30 pm, the victims were equally divided between Chinese and Malays. However, after about 10:30 pm, the casualties were almost all Chinese, with nearly all of them suffering from gunshot wounds.{{sfn|Slimming|1969|pages=30–31 }}

File:Pictures in Tunku Abdul Rahman's book "May 13 Before and After" (Jln Campbell).pngs on Jalan Campbell]]

The army gathered at crucial road junctions and patrolled the main streets, but even though a curfew had been announced, young men in areas such as Kampung Baru and Pudu ignored the order. Although most of the killings occurred on Tuesday night and Wednesday morning, the burning and looting of Chinese shops and houses by Malays continued, with most incidents of serious arson occurring on Thursday night and Friday; over 450 houses were burnt.{{sfn|Slimming|1969|pages=41–43 }} People displaced by the riots, most of them Chinese, were sent to official refugee centres in different parts of town—the Malays to Stadium Negara and the Chinese to Stadium Merdeka, Chinwoo Stadium, and Shaw Road School. By Sunday, the number of Chinese refugees had increased to 3,500 in Merdeka Stadium, 1,500 in Chinwoo Stadium, and 800 in Shaw Road School, while the Malays in Stadium Negara had decreased from 650 on Thursday to 250 on Sunday.{{sfn|Slimming|1969|page=49 }} Over a thousand refugees were still left in Merdeka Stadium a month after the riot.{{sfn|Slimming|1969|page=51 }}

The curfew was relaxed briefly but quickly reimposed on Thursday morning. It was lifted again for three hours on Saturday morning. The curfew was gradually relaxed as the situation slowly returned to normal, but by the end of the month, it was still in force from 3:00 pm until 6:30 am.{{sfn|Slimming|1969|pages=44–46 }}

The violence was concentrated in urban areas, and except for minor disturbances in Malacca, Perak, Penang, and neighbouring Singapore, where the populations of Chinese people were larger, the rest of the country remained calm.{{Citation needed|date=August 2021}}

On 28 June 1969, rioting broke out again in Sentul when Malays attacked Indians, and 15 were killed.{{sfn|Slimming|1969|page=64 }}

According to disputed police figures, a total of 196 people were killed in the riots.Hwang, p. 72. The official figures gave 143 of the dead as Chinese, 25 Malay, 13 Indian, and 15 others (undetermined),{{sfn|von Vorys|1975|page=[https://books.google.com/books?id=CKN9BgAAQBAJ&pg=PA364 364] }} although unofficial figures suggested a higher number of Chinese deaths.{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=64Fvi7j42wMC&pg=PA226 |title=Social Cohesion and Conflict Prevention in Asia: Managing Diversity Through Development|editor1-first= Nat J.|editor1-last=Colletta|editor2-first=Teck Ghee|editor2-last=Lim|editor3-first=Anita|editor3-last=Kelles-Viitanen |publisher=Washington, DC : World Bank |year=2001 |page=226 |isbn=978-0-8213-4874-1 }} The police were authorised to bury any dead bodies found or dispose of them in any way they could without inquests or inquiries, and many of these were disposed of undocumented, which made estimation of the number of deaths difficult. Some were reported to have been thrown into the Klang River, and some were believed to have been disposed of in pools in tin mines.{{sfn|Slimming|1969|page=48 }} A mass burial of the victims was also captured on film at the Sungai Buloh leper colony near Kuala Lumpur.{{sfn|Slimming|1969|page=48–49 }} Western diplomatic sources at that time put the toll at close to 600, and Slimming estimated the number to be around 800 in the first week by including hundreds who were officially missing; other observers and correspondents suggested four-figure numbers.{{sfn|von Vorys|1975|page=[https://books.google.com/books?id=CKN9BgAAQBAJ&pg=PA368 368] }}{{sfn|Slimming|1969|pages=47–48 }}

According to official figures, 439 individuals were also recorded as injured. 753 cases of arson were logged, and 211 vehicles were destroyed or severely damaged.

{{More citations needed|section|date=February 2025}}

Immediately after the riot, the government assumed emergency powers and suspended parliament, which would reconvene again in 1971. It also suspended the press and established the National Operations Council (NOC).{{cite book|title=Malaysian Politics in the New Media Age: Implications on the Political Communication Process|author= Pauline Pooi Yin Leong |date= 2019 |publisher=Springer Nature Singapore|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=JpCqDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA86|isbn=9789811387838|page=86}}

File:Front page of the Emergency (Essential Powers) Ordinance, 1969 (cropped).jpg

The government ordered an immediate curfew throughout the state of Selangor. Security forces, comprising some 2,000 Royal Malay Regiment soldiers and 3,600 police officers, were deployed and took control of the situation. On 14 and 16 May, a state of emergency and accompanying curfew were declared throughout the country. On 15 May, the NOC, also known as the Majlis Gerakan Negara (MAGERAN), headed by Abdul Razak Hussein, was established following a proclamation of emergency by the sultan of Malaysia, Ismail Nasiruddin of Terengganu. Parts of the constitution were also suspended. With parliament suspended, the NOC became the supreme decision-making body for the next 18 months. State and District Operations Councils took over state and local governments. The NOC implemented security measures to restore law and order in the country, including the establishment of an unarmed vigilante corps, a territorial army, and police force battalions.{{Citation needed|date=May 2020}}

Newspaper publications were suspended on 15 May{{Cite news |date=16 May 1969 |title=Malaysian Govt suspends all newspapers |url=https://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/newspapers/digitised/article/straitstimes19690516-1.2.5 |access-date=3 June 2025 |work=The Straits Times |pages=1}} but resumed on 18 May,{{Cite news |date=17 May 1969 |title=NEWSPAPERS AGAIN TOMORROW |url=https://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/newspapers/digitised/article/straitstimes19690517-1.2.9 |access-date=3 June 2025 |work=The Straits Times |pages=1}}{{Cite news |date=18 May 1969 |title=Our papers on sale again in Malaysia |url=https://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/newspapers/digitised/article/straitstimes19690518-1.2.5 |access-date=3 June 2025 |work=The Straits Times |pages=1}} and censorship was then applied on 21 May.{{sfn|von Vorys|1975|pages=[https://books.google.com/books?id=CKN9BgAAQBAJ&pg=PA345 352–354]}}{{Cite news |date=22 May 1969 |title=Censorship rules are gazetted |url=https://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/newspapers/digitised/article/straitstimes19690522-1.2.12 |access-date=3 June 2025 |work=The Straits Times |pages=1}} Foreign publications were banned, citizens found in possession of foreign news clippings were detained, and foreign reporters were criticised over allegations of racial bias by the army.{{sfn|Slimming|1969|page=54–56 }} The restoration of order in the country was gradually achieved. Curfews continued in most parts of the country but were gradually scaled back. Peace was restored in the affected areas within two months. In February 1971, parliamentary rule was re-established.{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=m8RQZk8BpvkC&pg=PA183 |title=Emergency Powers in Asia: Exploring the Limits of Legality |editor1= Victor V. Ramraj |editor2=Arun K. Thiruvengadam |page=183 |publisher=Cambridge University Press|date= 2009|isbn= 978-0521768900 }} However, the emergency proclamation was only annulled by the parliament in December 2011, 42 years later,{{Cite news |date=24 November 2011 |title=PM Tables Motion to Revoke Three Emergency Proclamations |url=http://lib.perdana.org.my/PLF/News_Online/2011/00013/Bernama%5B24Nov2011%5DPM%20Tables%20Motion%20To%20Revoke%20Three%20Emergency%20Proclamations.pdf |access-date=26 May 2025 |work=Bernama}}{{Cite news |date=21 December 2011 |title=Dewan Negara approves revocation of 3 emergency proclamations |url=https://www.theborneopost.com/2011/12/21/dewan-negara-approves-revocation-of-3-emergency-proclamations-latest/ |access-date=26 May 2025 |work=Borneo Post Online}}{{Cite web |date=24 November 2011 |title=Penyata Rasmi Dewan Rakyat |trans-title=Official Statement of the House of Representatives |url=https://www.parlimen.gov.my/files/hindex/pdf/DR-24112011.pdf |access-date=16 March 2025 |website=Parliament of Malaysia |pages=17–49 |language=ms}}{{Cite web |date=20 December 2011 |title=Penyata Rasmi Dewan Negara |trans-title=Official Statement of the House of the Senate |url=https://www.parlimen.gov.my/files/hindex/pdf/DN-20122011.pdf |access-date=16 March 2025 |website=Parliament of Malaysia |pages=22–31 |language=ms}} with all remaining emergency ordinances lapsing in June 2012.{{Cite journal |last=Whiting |first=Amanda |date=16 February 2014 |title=Essay: Emerging from Emergency Rule? Malaysian Law 'Reform' 2011–2013 |url=https://download.ssrn.com/21/06/29/ssrn_id2396928_code258113.pdf?response-content-disposition=inline&X-Amz-Security-Token=IQoJb3JpZ2luX2VjEKn%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2F%2FwEaCXVzLWVhc3QtMSJGMEQCIBjxepvIaWSTBqJCRP5Gb4YmBsl6PkRH6lDOkkSrcT6AAiBp5GUfJy7BGiDf1m7ZxV0vdockZnpjmnO7TeuPBTp7GCq8BQhyEAQaDDMwODQ3NTMwMTI1NyIMoDaqoyYv5KpSIyepKpkFkQv67LJx4ni8niO%2BbpZYS%2FqD1Nc2cVQUWtAz8EZxVdHsUnTQlHt6B%2FvP2l1bZTK6HHQCpG9t43BBhQ0r6wWZpUi3F61CUmp%2B6F4jnCK06OIZlvbCyMRU0sShAAGejJ3KX0%2F8Yidn0vjRuiCk4NzuN2sqzOhXSLwT527sGBk7c2bfGueJopzBR%2FbHBUFXXkWxkZod9kHoNqTGW7eDocJWFRLrQftxQpGnfgWHFoceqeTnRXxjYoCIMKJLGeeTuRCApU02Ci6CKSTCeSKtByHE5NrohVucr0iqehe%2BgIpOq%2B5VXq1ZXCXe5VTb9BDuGZFQMdCLyqed74XE5kfNexUr2tzzDLwn%2B8RWo%2B5C7tDIlHKMaWA0zd6OR0IqooXORBs7mNzKxEXoSBnnLb9YtH1ecKZbsdhij90bgo1EiieoLnIkTTStyjdXd%2FLLNf7WQB35teemvEtV5sDfyPtsY%2Bd3Akegq8kBunW%2BZ%2F%2F5OFthNHJqS2zcwOCJ%2BN0CBbPoH0H5O04jY%2BMxvDYbLkBTkA6MrS771X6fXNZqi6Jo445%2FoGN774xdPHskqZ%2B7QrqAZbmYh%2B2%2FkadWvIBqoxyXKVOodHiUDwSsNQgKY46llDQ4HEW5fZAhJmvxPEM%2BliIrDpVwhz7fi9ao0W7atPj%2BRldf1Ud4Ik%2Boq3GR5smPuYEuozkJDcqxN1WHyWsM9g3vfOhbTlPfprCpywtwMnNgWoVQ%2F9M2GqdEpOwitWFE1Ieqwx8y%2Fd8NS6Pptbd7xzI5c8oZBuicx%2BrzTFrig%2FM8TN5O5L3tlbzq4OFUR04OP%2BxBGq2dvQ5FjvoCcBJ31nK5ahzGIMEPKytWqGPEaa3o%2BKhC%2FzEuCKwkN5WtOG3%2Bf6kKCV8nKbrVEIHz5Qkw1pfbwQY6sgGtLbbMNpJlmry4Vc27M8Bnf%2BAYDdBXd0AHe7RBKabi7w8XsYR5sn9T4HB%2B649RkzM1r%2BeihwlAPFWtDC7MdsaPo3sEEayf9dsZ8dbhQD4fLT8tIY9lxkUsR83o4TyYma52MaN7u8xVCjNEKQcx3esQWfHT0swKms1bYKe230zzZccwoe0DyRFOf1ajQnUKa0dHNizqxjdr8Fb%2BuptKDQiYqAlTwucE1CQLSR4%2B%2B5CzYORW&X-Amz-Algorithm=AWS4-HMAC-SHA256&X-Amz-Date=20250528T093010Z&X-Amz-SignedHeaders=host&X-Amz-Expires=300&X-Amz-Credential=ASIAUPUUPRWEVUMKCRLB%2F20250528%2Fus-east-1%2Fs3%2Faws4_request&X-Amz-Signature=72c33de31394aff483f47e8c3f9b197dad2c53cd12b4ff3c116932d551d2cc9d&abstractId=2396928 |journal=Australian Journal of Asian Law |volume=14 |issue=2 |pages=332–333 |via=SSRN}}

The NOC released a report on 9 October 1969, which cited "racial politics" as the primary cause of the riots, but it was reluctant to assign blame to the Malays.{{sfn|von Vorys|1975|page=[https://books.google.com/books?id=CKN9BgAAQBAJ&pg=PA363 363]}}

{{quote|The Malays who already felt excluded in the country's economic life, now began to feel a threat in their place in the public services. No mention was ever made by non-Malay politicians of the almost closed-door attitude to the Malays by non-Malays in large sections of the private sector in this country.{{sfn|von Vorys|1975|pages=[https://books.google.com/books?id=CKN9BgAAQBAJ&pg=PA362 362–363]}}}}

{{quote|Certain non-Malay racialist election speakers constantly worked up non-Malay passions against Malay policemen and officers, alleging partial treatment of the enforcement of the law. They contributed directly to the breakdown in respect for the law and authority amongst sections of the non-Malay communities.{{sfn|von Vorys|1975|page=[https://books.google.com/books?id=CKN9BgAAQBAJ&pg=PA363 363]}}}}

It also attributed the cause of the riots in part to both the Malayan Communist Party and secret societies:

{{quote|The eruption of violence on 13 May was the result of an interplay of forces... These include a generation gap and differences in interpretation of the constitutional structure by the different races in the country...; the incitement, intemperate statements and provocative behaviours of certain racialist party members and supporters during the recent General Election; the part played by the Malayan Communist Party (MCP) and secret societies in inciting racial feelings and suspicion; and the anxious, and later desperate, mood of the Malays with a background of Sino-Malay distrust, and recently, just after the General Elections, as a result of racial insults and threat to their future survival in their own country'|Extract from The 13 May Tragedy, a report by the National Operations Council, October 1969.Professor Dato' Dr. Zakaria Haji Ahmad. The Encyclopedia of Malaysia, "Government and Politics". {{ISBN|981-3018-55-0}}}}

It however said that the "trouble turned out to be a communal clash between the Malays and the Chinese" rather than an instance of communist insurgency.{{sfn|von Vorys|1975|page=[https://books.google.com/books?id=CKN9BgAAQBAJ&pg=PA363 363]}} The report also denied rumours of lack of evenhandedness by the security forces in their handling of the crisis.{{sfn|von Vorys|1975|page=[https://books.google.com/books?id=CKN9BgAAQBAJ&pg=PA365 365]}}

Tunku Abdul Rahman, in a book released two weeks before the report, blamed the opposition parties for the violence, as well as the influence of the communists, and thought that the incidents were sparked by Chinese communist youths. He absolved the majority of the Malays, Chinese, and Indians of any responsibility and considered the Malays who converged in Kuala Lumpur on 13 May to be merely responding to "intolerable provocations".{{sfn|von Vorys|1975|pages=[https://books.google.com/books?id=CKN9BgAAQBAJ&pg=PA362 361–362 ]}}

The Rukun Negara, the de facto Malaysian pledge of allegiance, was a reaction to the riot. It was introduced on 31 August 1970 as a way to foster unity among Malaysians.

The Malay nationalist Mahathir Mohamad, who was then a lesser-known politician and lost his seat as an UMNO candidate in the 10 May election, blamed the riot on the government and especially on Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman for being "simple-minded" and not planning for a prosperous Malaysia where the Malays have a share of the economic stake. Abdul Rahman in turn blamed "extremists" such as Mahathir for the racial clashes, which led to Mahathir's expulsion from UMNO.{{sfn|Ooi|2004|page=[https://books.google.com/books?id=QKgraWbb7yoC&pg=PA819 819]}} This propelled him to write his seminal work The Malay Dilemma, in which he posited a solution to Malaysia's racial tensions based on aiding the Malays economically through an affirmative action programme.

This included the New Economic Policy and the creation of Kuala Lumpur as a Federal Territory out of Selangor state in 1974, five years later.

After the riots, Abdul Rahman was forced into the background, with the day-to-day running of the country handed to the deputy prime minister, Abdul Razak Hussein, who was also the director of the NOC. On 22 September 1970, when the parliament reconvened, Abdul Rahman resigned his position as prime minister, and Razak Hussein took over.{{sfn|Ooi|2004|page=[https://books.google.com/books?id=QKgraWbb7yoC&pg=PA114 114]}}

In his 2007 book, May 13: Declassified Documents on the Malaysian Riots of 1969, Kua Kia Soong argued that, based on declassified British embassy dispatches, the riot was a coup d'état staged against Tunku Abdul Rahman by UMNO political leaders in association with the army and the police.{{cite web |url=https://www.scmp.com/article/592766/politicians-linked-malaysias-may-13-riots |work=South China Morning Post |title=Politicians linked to Malaysia's May 13 riots |first=Baradan |last=Kuppusamy|date= 14 May 2007 }}

In an attempt to form a broader coalition, the Barisan Nasional was formed in place of the Alliance Party, with former opposition parties such as Gerakan, PPP, and PAS invited to join the coalition.{{cite book|author1=Joseph Liow|author2=Michael Leifer|title=Dictionary of the Modern Politics of Southeast Asia|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=G5KLBQAAQBAJ&pg=PA102|date=20 November 2014|publisher=Routledge|isbn=978-1-317-62233-8|pages=102–}}

After the 1969 riot, UMNO also began to restructure the political system to reinforce its power. It advanced its own version of Ketuanan Melayu, whereby "the politics of this country has been, and must remain for the foreseeable future, native [i.e., Malay] based: that was the secret of our stability and our prosperity and that is a fact of political life which no one can simply wish away."{{cite book |url= https://archive.org/details/southeastasianaf00_0 |url-access= registration |title=Southeast Asian Affairs 2002|editor1-first= Daljit|editor1-last=Singh|editor2-first=Anthony L|editor2-last=Smith |publisher=Institute of Southeast Asian Studies |author= Lee Hock Guan |page=[https://archive.org/details/southeastasianaf00_0/page/178 178] |isbn=9789812301628|year=2002}} This principle of Ketuanan Melayu has been repeatedly used in successive elections by UMNO to galvanise Malay support for the party,{{cite book |url= https://archive.org/details/southeastasianaf00_0 |url-access= registration |title=Southeast Asian Affairs 2002|editor1-first= Daljit|editor1-last=Singh|editor2-first=Anthony L|editor2-last=Smith |publisher=Institute of Southeast Asian Studies |author= Lee Hock Guan |page=[https://archive.org/details/southeastasianaf00_0/page/183 183] |isbn=9789812301628|year=2002}} and it remained the guiding principle of successive governments.{{cite news |url=https://www.asiasentinel.com/p/ketuanan-melayu-power-deep-state-malaysia |title=Ketuanan Melayu: Power and the Deep State in Malaysia |work=Asia Sentinel|date=7 August 2019 }}

Sultan Abdul Samad Building - KL under curfew after the 13 May riot (cropped).jpg|Empty streets near Sultan Abdul Samad Building as Kuala Lumpur was placed under curfew following the riot.

Jalan Bukit Bintang - KL under curfew after the 13 May riot (cropped).jpg|Jalan Bukit Bintang, a major commercial district in KL to this day, was deserted during the curfew.

Jalan Tuanku Abdul Rahman (Batu Road) - KL under curfew after the 13 May riot (cropped).jpg|Jalan Tuanku Abdul Rahman, one of the main sites of rioting, was devoid of people after the curfew was announced.

Jalan Pasar, Pudu - KL under curfew after the 13 May riot (cropped).jpg|Empty street at Jalan Pasar, Pudu, on 15 May 1969, when the curfew was still in place.

• 1969 race riots of Singapore
• May 1998 riots of Indonesia, a similar incident
• Operation Lalang
• Snow in Midsummer, a 2023 historical drama film evoking the events of 13 May

{{Reflist}}

• {{cite book |author=The National Operations Council |year=1969 |url=http://langkasa-norul.blogspot.co.uk/2013/10/the-may-13-tragedy.html |title=The May 13 Tragedy: A Report |ref={{harvid|The National Operations Council|1979}}}} Official report by the NOC.
• {{cite book |last=Ooi |first=Keat Gin |year=2004 |url=https://psv4.userapi.com/s/v1/d/UYHGMVNTidi88LuUXRpTllF1i1BD7iFgv5-wq6REGoVPEBO9-GLqCECYovqinHVGHq-EPa43EVNZlAXYiFbl9ICY8gB7w8PbdPeF5OhoFq57D8Wu/Southeast_Asia_A_Historical_Encyclopedia_From_Angkor_Wat_to_East_Timor.pdf |title=Southeast Asia: A Historical Encyclopedia, from Angkor Wat to East Timor |publisher=ABC-CLIO |isbn=978-1-57607-770-2}}
• {{cite book |last=Slimming |first=John |url=https://s3.us-west-1.wasabisys.com/p-library/books/1436e8f1451fa0728aaa669d459425a0.pdf |title=The Death of a Democracy |publisher=John Murray Publishers Ltd |year=1969 |isbn=978-0-7195-2045-7 |location=London}} Book written by a British journalist from The Observer who was in Kuala Lumpur at the time.
• {{cite book |author=Tunku Abdul Rahman |year=1969 |location=Kuala Lumpur |url=http://lib.perdana.org.my/PLF/Digital_Content/NLM/Batch2/NL_B02_PDF-DVD01/27%20July%202005/M305.899230505ARP%5bMay13-Before&After%5d%5bTunkuAbdulRahmanPutraAl-Haj%5d%5b1996%5d.pdf |title=13 May: Before and After |publisher=Utusan Melayu Press Ltd}} An account given by the then-Prime Minister of Malaysia.
• {{cite book |last=von Vorys |first= Karl |year= 1975 |url=http://press.princeton.edu/titles/2115.html |title=Democracy Without Consensus: Communalism and Political Stability in Malaysia| publisher=Princeton University Press|isbn=978-0-691-07571-6 }} Paperback reprint (2015) {{ISBN|978-0691617640}}.

• {{cite book |author=Abdillah Noh |title=Malaysia's State Formation: Small Steps and Large Outcomes of a Contested Leviathan |date=2024 |publisher=Taylor & Francis |isbn=9781003805816 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=FXbpEAAAQBAJ}}

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