Antoine Lefèvre de la Boderie

{{Short description|French diplomat and ambassador to England}}

{{Infobox ambassador

| image =

| alt =

| caption =

| order =

| ambassador_from = France

| country = England

| term_start = 1606

| term_end = 1613

| predecessor = Christophe de Harlay, Count of Beaumont

| successor = Samuel Spifame, Sieur des Bisseaux

| birth_date = {{Birth year|1555}}

| death_date = {{Death date and age|1615|||1555||}}

| spouse = Jeanne Le Prevost

| children = Catherine

| mother = Anne de Montbray

| father = Jacques Lefèvre de la Boderie

| relatives = Simon Arnauld, Marquis de Pomponne (grandson)

}}

Antoine Lefèvre de la Boderie (1555-1615) was a French diplomat and ambassador to England.

File:Isaac Oliver (c.1556-1565-1617) (after) - Prince Henry Frederick (1594–1612), Prince of Wales - 726069 - National Trust.jpg, possibly depicted wearing armour procured by Antoine Lefèvre de la Boderie, Dunster Castle]]

He was a son of Jacques Lefèvre de la Boderie and Anne de Montbray.

Career

Lefèvre de la Boderie was a master of household to Henry IV of France. In January 1598 he welcomed Sir Robert Cecil as ambassador to France at Dieppe.G. Dyfnallt Owen, HMC Salisbury Hatfield, vol. 23 (London, 1974), p. 11. He was French ambassador to Rome, and ambassador in England from April 1606 until 1611. His correspondence was published in 1750 as the Ambassades de Monsieur de la Boderie en Angleterre in 5 volumes.

Boderie is known for his commentary on politics in London during the reign of James VI and I. Boderie was particularly surprised by the hunting activity of King James, who regularly absented himself from the apparent centres of power to country residences.Jenny Wormald, 'One king, two kingdoms', Alexander Grant & Keith Stringer, Uniting the Kingdom?: The Making of British History (Routledge, 1995), p. 131: Ambassades de Monsieur de la Boderie, 1, p. 94, 2, pp. 100–2, 165–69.

In 1606, Boderie noted that Prince Henry played golf, which he described as a Scottish game not unlike "pallemail" or pall-mall.Marcia Vale, The Gentleman's Recreations: Accomplishments and pastimes of the English Gentleman, 1580-1630 (Cambridge, 1977), p. 115.[https://archive.org/details/ambassadesdemde00unkngoog/page/n453/mode/2up Ambassades de M. de La Boderie en Angleterre (Paris, 1750), p. 400] Boderie also mentioned exercises with the pike and archery.Martin Butler, The Stuart Court Masque and Political Culture (Cambridge, 2008), p. 173.

Prince Henry's riding master, Monsieur St Antoine, asked Boderie to obtain a suit of gilt armour with a pistol and sword for the prince.Thomas Birch, Life of Prince Henry (London, 1760), pp. 65, 68-9: [https://archive.org/details/ambassadesdemde00unkngoog/page/n111/mode/2up Ambassades de M. de La Boderie en Angleterre, 1 (Paris, 1750), p. 60] The armour is thought to survive in the Royal Collection.See external links. Another French armour made for Henry as a gift from the Prince de Joinville also survives.[https://www.rct.uk/collection/72832/cuirassier-armour-of-henry-future-prince-of-wales Cuirassier armour of Henry, future Prince of Wales about 1607, RCIN 72832]

=Lefèvre de la Boderie and the Nottingham scandal=

Christian IV of Denmark visited his sister, Anne of Denmark, the wife of King James in London in 1606. When he was preparing to leave he had an argument with the Earl of Nottingham aboard ship about time and tide. The Danish king insisted it was two o'clock and waved two fingers at the Earl. Nottingham, or his wife Margaret Howard, Countess of Nottingham, thought he made a joke about their age difference.Courtney Erin Thomas, If I lose Mine Honour I Lose Myself (Toronto, 2017), pp. 87-9. An angry correspondence ensued.Lawrence Stone, Crisis of the Aristocracy (Oxford, 1965), p. 665.

Arbella Stuart attempted to mediate in the scandal in letters to Christian's Scottish chamberlain, Sir Andrew Sinclair.Sara Jayne Steen, The Letters of Lady Arbella Stuart (Oxford, 1994), pp. 211-7, 282-4. Anne of Denmark asked James to banish the Countess of Nottingham from court.Agnes Strickland, Lives of the Queens of England vol. 4 (London, 1869) pp. 93-5, quoting a letter in the British Library, Egerton MSS., printed in J. Payne Collier,The Egerton Papers (Camden Society: London, 1840), pp. 467-470 and [https://archive.org/details/selectcollection01dunciala/page/66 John Duncombe, A Select Collection of Original Letters, vol. 1 (London, 1755), pp. 67-8]

Lefèvre de la Boderie was aware of the details of this quarrel and described it in his letters. He wrote of the age difference between Lady Nottingham and the Admiral. He described the argument on the Thames centering on a clock and the time of departure, and Christian IV two or three times indicating the time two o'clock with his fingers. Lefèvre de la Boderie knew that the Countess of Nottingham had written to Sinclair, and Anne of Denmark had expelled her from court, berating her as the grandchild of an illegitimate son of James V, (as a granddaughter of James Stewart, 1st Earl of Moray). His letters are an important source for our knowledge of the incident. Lefèvre de la Boderie said Anne of Denmark made the Earl and Countess of Nottingham unwelcome at their lodge in the park of Hampton Court in September.[https://archive.org/details/ambassadesdemde00unkngoog/page/n357/mode/2up Ambassades de M. de La Boderie en Angleterre, vol. 1 (Paris, 1750), pp. 307-9, 349-50] Boderie's version of these events was a source of amusement to Henry IV of France.Friedrich Ludwig Georg von Raumer, History of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, illustrated by original documents, vol. 1 (London, 1835), pp. 215-7.

=Plague in 1606=

According to Lefèvre de la Boderie, in October 1606 Anne of Denmark was alarmed by the death of a servant in the buttery at Hampton Court, and intended to move to Oatlands. She discovered the plague was also in that vicinity and wanted to move to Greenwich Palace, but the plague was there too. She stayed at Hampton Court and sent Prince Charles to join Prince Henry at Richmond Palace.Ambassades de M. de La Boderie en Angleterre, vol. 1 (Paris, 1750), pp. 399-400. Anne of Denmark kept King James, who was at Royston, informed by messages sent with the Scottish courtiers Robert Anstruther and John Auchmoutie. James was happy with Anne's decision but some courtiers were critical.HMC Salisbury Hatfield, vol. 18 (London, 1940). The Venetian ambassador Zorzi Giustinian also reported her decision.Horatio Brown, Calendar State Papers Venice, 1607-1610, vol. 11 (London, 1904), p. 416 no. 599.

Boderie regarded Anne of Denmark's secretary William Fowler as a useful source of information, worthy of cultivation, describing him as an "Ecossais et un galant homme, que je desir bien entretenir".Ambassades de Boderie, 2, pp. 145, 350. Boderie reported the arrest of Anne of Denmark's Scottish chamberer Margaret Hartsyde, describing her offence as slander rather than the theft of the queen's jewels.Ambassades de Monsieur de La Boderie, 2 (Paris, 1750), pp. 414–416.

=Scottish silver mine=

Lefèvre de la Boderie wrote several times several times about enthusiasm for a promising silver mine in Scotland (at Hilderston) and the results of assays of ore from this "mine d'Ecosse". He commented sourly that even unprofitable silver mines were a public benefit by the creation of employment.Ambassades de Monsieur de la Boderie en Angleterre, vol. 3 (Paris, 1750), pp. 103, 128, 141-2, 162.Todd Andrew Borlik, Shakespeare Beyond the Green World: Drama and Ecopolitics in Jacobean Britain (Oxford, 2023), pp. 51, 54. Boderie returned to France for a time in 1609 and King James gave him a gold basin and ewer, made by the Welsh goldsmith John Williams.Frederick Devon, Issues of the Exchequer (London, 1836), p. 98: Calendar State Papers Domestic. It is said that Anne of Denmark gave his wife, Jeanne le Prévost, the string of pearls that she was wearing.Michaud & Poujoulat, Nouvelle Collection Des Mémoires Pour Servir À L'histoire de France: , vol. 9 (Paris, 1853), p. 424: Ambassades de M. de La Boderie en Angleterre, vol. 1 (Paris, 1750), p. xxxviii.

=Final years=

He was in London again in January 1610 and awaited the return of King James from Royston.HMC Downshire, vol. 2 (London, 1936), p. 225. In February 1610 he attended a banquet with the Venetian ambassadors.HMC Downshire, vol. 2 (London, 1936), pp. 240-1. King James wore a jewel on his hat with five large diamonds, possibly the Mirror of Great Britain.Horatio Brown, Calendar State Papers Venice, 1607-1610, vol. 11 (London, 1904), p. 430 no. 801: See also Calendar State Papers Domestic, James I: 1611-1618, p. 30 TNA SP14/63 f.116v. In March, Lefèvre de la Boderie was concerned by the fate of four French vine-dressers aboard ships about to sail for Virginia with the Governor General, Lord De La Warr. They had not been told that they had contracted to serve in the New World.Horatio Brown, Calendar State Papers Venice, 1607-1610, vol. 11 (London, 1904), p. 445 no. 821.

Lefèvre de la Boderie wrote that when King James heard the news of the assassination of Henry IV of France, he turned whiter than his shirt.

Antoine Lefèvre de la Boderie died in 1615.

His daughter from his marriage to Jeanne Le Prevost, Catherine, married Robert Arnauld d'Andilly.''Marriage contract at Paris from Laurent Haultdesens 13 july 1613 Their son was Simon Arnauld, Marquis de Pomponne.

Boderie and the London stage

Antoine Lefèvre de la Boderie was offended by George Chapman's, The Conspiracy and Tragedy of Charles, Duke of Byron, and complained to King James. He was particularly irritated by a scene in which the French Queen slapped the face of her husband's mistress. Ambassadors in London quarreled about invitations to court masques, the root of the difficulty was the idea of precedence, that another diplomat might be appear to enjoy higher status and favour.David M. Bergeron, The Duke of Lennox, 1574-1624: A Jacobean Courtier's Life (Edinburgh, 2022), pp. 179-181.

Boderie mentions a play about a silver mine, performed in March or Lenten term 1608, by the Children of the Queen's Revels, and promptly closed after offending King James.Todd Andrew Borlik, Shakespeare Beyond the Green World: Drama and Ecopolitics in Jacobean Britain (Oxford, 2023), pp. 51, 54. The text has not survived.Martin Wiggins & Catharine Richardson, British Drama 1533–1642: A Catalogue, 1603-1608, vol. 5 (Oxford, 2015), p. 491. Boderie wrote that it slandered James, his Scottish mine, and his favourites.[https://lostplays.folger.edu/Silver_Mine Folger Lost Plays Database: Silver Mine] The play may have been themed around a new silver mine at Hilderston in Scotland which King James had recently taken into his own hands, as described in the letters of Sir Thomas Hamilton.Melros Papers, vol. 1 (Edinburgh, 1837), pp. 35-43. Some scholars suggest that Boderie's mention of a Scottish mine, the King's mine d'Escosse in the play, was not primarily a reference to Hilderston, but rather to James' homosocial personal relations.David McInnis, Shakespeare and Lost Plays: Reimagining Drama in Early Modern England (Cambridge, 2021), pp. 140-1.

During hearings in Venice about the possible misconduct of the ambassador Antonio Foscarini, it was noted that Zorzi Giustinian had attended a performance of Pericles, accompanied by Antoine Lefèvre de la Boderie and his wife, and Octavian Lotti, the secretary of the Florentine ambassador.[https://shakespearedocumented.folger.edu/resource/document/venetian-ambassador-sees-performance-pericles Carlo M. Bajetta, 'A Venetian ambassador sees a performance of Pericles' Shakespeare Documented]Leeds Barroll, Politics, Plague, and Shakespeare's Theater: The Stuart Years (Cornell, 1991), p. 192.MacDonald P. Jackson, Defining Shakespeare: Pericles as Test Case (Oxford, 2003), p. 37.

References

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