First Balkan Alliance

{{Short description|1866 alliance between Serbia, Montenegro, and Greece}}

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| name = First Balkan Alliance

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| type = Military alliance

| context = Anti-Ottoman Empire

| date_drafted = 1866

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5 October 1866 (Serbia–Montenegro)
26 August 1867 (Serbia–Greece)

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| mediators =

| negotiators = Ilija Garašanin

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{{flagcountry|Principality of Serbia|size=22px}} (organizer)
{{flagcountry|Principality of Montenegro|size=22px}} (1866)
{{flagcountry|Kingdom of Greece|size=22px}} (1867)

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The First Balkan Alliance ({{langx|sr|Први балкански савез/Prvi balkanski savez}}) was a system of agreements concluded by the Principality of Serbia in the period of 1866–68 to unite the nations of the Balkans in a common struggle against the Ottoman Empire.{{harvnb|Petković|1996|p=43}}: "Први балкански савез је систем уговора из 1866–1868, који је закључила Србија ради окупљања балканских народа за борбу против Турске." The plans for forging this alliance were based on the organization of a major general uprising, as opposed to individual uprisings by the various ethnic groups in Ottoman territory. According to the plans, the Albanians would begin the uprising, followed by Serb and Greek volunteers and finally and simultaneously by the regular armies of Serbia and Greece.{{cite book|author=Istorijski institut u Beogradu|title=Posebna izdanja|volume=27|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=seBOAQAAIAAJ|year=1992|publisher=Izdanje Istorijskog Instituta|page=133|quote=.. треба предупрећивати појединачне устанке и заједнички договорити дан ошцтег устанка; устанак ће почети Арнаути, за њима ће кренути Српски и Грчки добровољци, а затим истовремено Србија и Грчка.}} According to the plans and agreements, after a successful war against the Ottomans, the Balkan nations would establish a united federation.{{harvnb|Srejović|Gavrilović|Ćirković|1981|p=439}}: "..а после успешног рата би се створила велика заједничка држава"

This alliance was conceived as part of one of various proposals for a Balkan federation, planned as a buffer zone between East and West.{{harvnb|Király|Rothenberg|1979|p=207}}: "The First Balkan Alliance of 1866–68 was based on a combination of the first and third options: protection from European interference and aggression against the Ottomans." Members of the First Balkan Alliance were Serbia, Montenegro, Bulgarian revolutionary committees, the Croatian People's Party, Greece and Romania.{{harvnb|Ljušić|2005|p=1862}} "Савез су чиниле Србија, Црна Гора, бу- гарски револуционарни комитети, хрватска Народна странка, Грчка и Румунија (1866–1868)."{{harvnb|Popov|2000|p=138}}: "Склапањем уговора са Црном Гором (1866), споразума са хрватском Народном ... Грчком (1867) и војне конвенције (1868), као и уговора о савезу са Румунијом (1868) створен је Први балкански савез." The major role in establishing of the First Balkan Alliance was played by Serbia, under Prince Mihailo Obrenović and Prime Minister Ilija Garašanin.

Background

In the middle of the 19th century, most of the territory of Balkans was still part of the Ottoman Empire, with several newly established independent or autonomous entities like Serbia, Greece, Bulgaria and Montenegro. All of them struggled to expand their influence and territory at Ottoman expense. Their intention was strongly opposed by Austria who opposed development of Balkan nations and revolutions in the Ottoman provinces of Europe (Rumelia).{{harvnb|Reid|2000|p=309}} Austria's position was based on its own expansionistic plans on the Balkans and on fear that a strong Slavic state would attract Slavic citizens of the Austrian Empire. After defeat in the war against France in 1859 and against Prussia in 1866, the influence of Austria weakened.

Napoleon III was the champion of the idea of Balkan nationalism and fostered Serbia and Greece to build alliances and undermine Ottoman influence in the region.{{sfn|Reid|2000|p=309}} France planned to resolve the Balkan Eastern Question through gathering of all Balkan Slavic people, including Bulgarians, around Serbia as their pillar.{{harvnb|Popović|1940|p=111}}: "Француски план за решење источног питања на Балкану узимао је Србију као стожер око кога је требало да се окупе сви балкански словенски народи, дакле и Бугари." This was not only informally suggested by French diplomats since 1861, but also formally proposed in Saint Petersburg in 1867.{{harvnb|Popović|1940|p=111}}: "То се види не само индиректно из споменутих наговештених планова њених дипломата из 1861 него и из једног формалног предлога који је она ставила у Петрограду 1867." The establishment of Balkan alliances was supported and aided by Russia because it corresponded with its policy of promoting Balkan unity.{{harvnb|Jelavich|2004|p=153}}: "In line with its policy of promoting Balkan unity, the Russian government encouraged and aided in the formation of these alliances. "

Alliance agreements

The establishment of the Balkan alliance was campaigned by Prince Mihailo Obrenović of Serbia.{{sfn|Crampton|1987|p=16}} To establish the First Balkan Alliance, the Principality of Serbia signed a series of contracts in the period 1866–68. The first contract was signed with Montenegro in 1866. The next contract was signed in autumn of 1866 with the People's Party in Croatia-Slavonia led by Catholic bishop Josip Juraj Strossmayer. This contract was followed by contract with Bulgarian Revolutionary Secret Society in 1867,{{sfn|Reid|2000|p=309}} with Greece in 1867 and with Romania in 1868.{{sfn|Jelavich|2004|p=153}}

= Montenegro =

The agreement between Serbia and Montenegro was signed on 5 October 1866 in Cetinje.{{harvnb|Popović|2010|p=}}: "Уговор између Србије и Црне Горе, први те врсте, потписан је на Цетињу 23. септембра/5. октобра 1866. " According to the agreement, Serbia and Montenegro would act as an unified Serb country.{{harvnb|Škerović|1952|p=xvi}}: "Другим речима, Србија и Црна Гора имале су да наступају кзо 1единствена српска држава"

= Bulgarian societies =

Contemporary Bulgarian leaders maintained friendly relations with the Serbian government and Serbia was regarded as a brother state, which was acting as a protector of its Slavic brethren. However, in the second half of 1866, Serbia failed to contact any serious Bulgarian political party.{{harvnb|Јакшић|Вучковић|1963|p=279}} Nevertheless, in 1867, a Bulgarian society, active in Bucharest took the initiative. That was the so-called "Benevolent Society". This Society was urged on by the Russian diplomats to approach the Serbian state with a draft-agreement. The document was titled "Programme for Serbo-Bulgarian (Bulgaro-Serbian) political relations and the cordial relationships between them". The Bulgarian side proposed the founding of a Serbo-Bulgarian (Bulgaro-Serbian) dual state, headed by the Serbian Prince. This state was to be named Yugoslav Tsardom and was to have a common government, legislation, army etc. The draft defined also the territories that would constitute Bulgaria as follows: Bulgaria (Moesia), Thrace and Macedonia and per the Serbian newspaper, Vidov Dan (No. 38, March 29, 1862), the Bulgarian-Serbian frontier extended from the Danube in North, along the Timok and South Morava Rivers and then along the Black Drin River to the Lake Ohrid.Ethnic Mapping on the Balkans (1840–1925): a Brief Comparative Summary of Concepts and Methods of Visualization, Demeter, Gábor and al. (2015) In: (Re)Discovering the Sources of Bulgarian and Hungarian History. Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Sofia; Budapest, p. 85. Garašanin accepted the Bulgarian proposal in a letter from June 1867, but he diplomatically refused to sign the document, fearing how representative this organisation had been.Papadrianos, Ioannis: "The First Balkan Alliance (1860–1868) and the Bulgarians," Balkan Studies, 42 (2001): pp. 15–20. On the other hand, the establishment of the Balkan alliance concerned other Bulgarian organisations, which perceived it as an of implementation Garašanin's twenty-year-old Načertanije.{{harvnb|Crampton|1987|p=16}}: "...a Balkan alliance, which alarmed both Bulgarians and Turks with its implications of Serbian expansionism as expounded two decades previously, in Garasanin's Nacertanie, the Serbian equivalent of Greek Megali Idea."{{harvnb|SANU|1993|p=172}}: "The result of Nacertumje's implementation was the establishment of the first Balkan alliance (1866–1868)..."

= Macedonia =

The Serbian government planned to organize an uprising of the population of Macedonia and for that reason established a network of agents in western Macedonia, Stojan Vezenkov being most notable among these.{{harvnb|IZNI|1969|pp=v, 56}}: "У западној Македонији радило је више агената, али је нај- важнији био Стојан Везенко, из Крушева"

= Greece =

A military alliance treaty between the Kingdom of Greece and the Principality of Serbia was signed on 26 August 1867. The treaty had been negotiated by Greek minister Zanos and Serbian ministers Ristić, Petronijević and Garašanin.{{cite book|author=Istorijski institut u Beogradu|title=Posebna izdanja|volume=27|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=seBOAQAAIAAJ|year=1992|publisher=Izdanje Istorijskog Instituta|page=133}}

= Romania =

At the beginning of February 1868 the last of alliance agreements was signed with Romania.{{harvnb|Vučinić|1996|p=70}} This agreement was mostly about trade relations.{{harvnb|Jerotijević|Radojević|2007|p=26}}: "Уговор између Србије и Румуније потписан је 1868. године, али се углавном односио на трговинске односе." It confirmed that most of the Balkan countries were more ready to negotiate improvement of commercial relations than to accept firmer obligations.{{harvnb|Stolić|2003|p=75}}: "Последњи споразум постигнут је са Румунијом 1868. и он је показао да је већина балканских земаља била спремнија да преговара о унапређењу трговине него да се везује неким чвршћим обавезама."

= Croatia and Slavonia =

The government of Serbia maintained close relations with the People's Party in Croatia-Slavonia, a neo-Illyrian party led by Catholic bishop Josip Juraj Strossmayer.{{harvnb|SANU|1993|p=172}}: "... close relations with the neo-Illyrian, National party (Narodnastranka) in Croatia-Slavonia led by Bishop Josip Juraj Strossmayer." Garašanin struggled for the idea of Yugoslavia (dominated by Serbia) and supported cooperation with Croats.

{{ill|Matija Mrazović|hr}} was in charge of the foreign affairs of the People's Party. In his correspondence with Strossmayer he frequently discussed the contract between Serbian government and People's Party, without explaining its character or its date. This contract was apparently signed in Autumn of 1866. The most important purpose of this contract and its main objective was the capture of Ottoman Bosnia by Serbia, as the first step in the creation of an independent south Slavic state. Mrazović believed that Serbia could not survive as an independent state if Austria-Hungary would capture Bosnia and Herzegovina from Ottomans. The People's Party actively participated in the preparation of Serbian capture of Ottoman Bosnia. On 29 December 1867 Mrazović informed the Government of Serbia that it can count on thousand Croats employed in a factory near Sarajevo.Vera Ciliga, Narodna stranka i južnoslavensko pitanje (1866–70), Historijski zbornik, XVII, Zagreb, 1964, pp. 86, 87

In 1868 Prince Mihailo gave up war against the Ottoman Empire and instead intended to sign a treaty with Austria, despite Garašanin's Yugoslavist ideas.{{harvnb|Institut|1992|p=204}} Mrazović could not accept the thought that Serbia gave up its agreed action in Bosnia and saw this as a rejection of an important precondition for survival of Serbia.Vera Ciliga, Narodna stranka i južnoslavensko pitanje (1866–70), Historijski zbornik, XVII, Zagreb, 1964, p. 86

= Albanians =

Garašanin believed that Albanians would be the biggest obstacle in case of general anti-Ottoman uprising in the Balkans, so he tried to establish cooperation with Albanian leaders.{{harvnb|Slijepčević|1983|p=172}} Already in 1844 Garašanin established relations with Catholic Albanians (Mirdita).{{harvnb|SANU|1985|p=127}}: "Гарашанин је рачунао на сарадњу са католичким Албанцима и он још 1844. успоставља везу с њима." Thanks to Mirdita's Catholic priest Gaspar Krasniqi, with whom Garašanin began communication in 1846, Garašanin signed an agreement about united activities with Mirdita chieftain Bib Doda in 1849.{{harvnb|SANU|1985|p=127}}: "...а од 1846 је у вези са мирдитским опатом Гаспаром Красником, захваљујући коме је дошло и до споразума о заједничкој акцији са мирдитским кнезом Боб Додом 1849. године." Garašanin believed that Albania should be established as an independent state.{{harvnb|Stojančević|1990b|p=242}}: Дубље проучавање арбанашких прилика учврстило Гарашанина у мишљењу да је боље створити од Албаније независну државу. The eventual Albanian state was to encompass territories between rivers Drin (Drim) and Aoös (Vojuša).{{harvnb|Stojančević|1991|p=336}}: "У складу са овом оријентацијом, он је 1866/67. године предложив да Грцима припадне Крит, Епир и Тесалија, а Србији — Босна, Херцеговина и Стара Србија до Дрима и Искра, оставивши, сада, могућност стварања албанске државе између Дрима и Војуше."

File:Changes in Turkey-in-Europe 1856 to 1878.png

In 1864 Garašanin sent captain Ljubomir Ivanović to northern Albania. Ivanović closely cooperated with Gaspar Krasniqi until the middle of 1865 when Krasniqi was expelled to Istanbul (the Ottoman capital) by the Ottomans, because of his participation in the unrests aimed against Mirdita chieftain Bib Doda.{{harvnb|Јакшић|Вучковић|1963|p=241}}:"... је Гарашанин у прошлости везу преко мири- дитског опата Гаспара Красника. Она је прекинута средином 1865, када ..." Ivanović had to send his reports to Garašanin through another Catholic priest, Jozef (Franc) Mauri,{{harvnb|Jovanović|1977|p=107}}: Један од њих је био католички свештених из Горице Јозеф (Франц) Маури. a Slovene Franciscan.{{harvnb|Slijepčević|1983|p=172}} Garašanin believed that it would be easier to establish cooperation with the Catholics in Albania (than Muslims), thus appointed Mauri as his envoy to the leaders of Mirdita tribe.{{harvnb|Slijepčević|1983|p=173}}: "Илија Гарашанин је, вели Гргур Јакшић, знао да је у Арбанији много лакше радити са католицима, због чега је центар ових акција увек био у Миридитима, него ... Франц Маури је дошао у Београд и поднео писмени извештај." Mauri explained to Mirdita chieftains that Serbia had no intention to forcefully convert Mirdita to Orthodox Christianity, but instead to help them to enjoy all rights they would have i.e. in Austro-Hungarian Empire.{{harvnb|Slijepčević|1983|p=173}} Besides Mauri who was active in Albania, the Serbian government engaged another envoy, Naum Sido, to actively work on gaining Albanian support for the Alliance.{{harvnb|Instituti|1924|p=169}} Sido was an Orthodox Albanian merchant from Debar (in western Macedonia){{harvnb|Poplazarov|1977|p=181}}: "... трговец Наум Сидо, православен Албанец од Дебар "{{harvnb|Instituti|1924|p=169}} who frequently travelled to Istanbul.

Xhelal Pasha, a member of the Albanian noble Zogu family planned to organize an anti-Ottoman uprising in Albania and through Sido he informed the Russian ambassador in Istanbul about his plans. Sido worked for Nikolay Pavlovich Ignatyev, Russian ambassador in Istanbul who helped Garašanin to establish cooperation with Xhelal Pasha.{{harvnb|Slijepčević|1983|pp=173, 174}}: "Везе између Џелал-паше и Гарашанина одржавао је Наум Сидо, који је био и човек грофа Игњатијева. " Xhelal Pasha had great hopes to forge alliance with Serbia and refused the position of governor of Kurdistan offered to him by the Ottomans.{{harvnb|Istorijski|1963|p=280}} Being under the pressure of the Ottoman police and facing substantial personal debts, Xhelal Pasha had to accept offered position in Anatolia and his task to suppress some revolt of highlander tribes. Because of this transfer the Serbian government lost contact with him.{{harvnb|Matica|1968|p=14}}:".. напусти Цари- град и оде у Малу Азију да се бори против некаквог устанка брдских племена."

The repressive policy of Ismail Pasha, Ottoman vali of the Sanjak of Scutari, additionally inspired northern Albanian tribes to participate in Serbia's anti-Ottoman activities. He imprisoned Miraši-Asi and Prek Staku, the chieftains of Hoti and Kelmendi tribes, who decided to cooperate with Serbia and accepted Mauri's idea as soon as they were released from the prison of Skadar.{{harvnb|Stojančević|1990a|p=54}} The chieftains of the northern Albanian tribes were so impatient to revolt against Ottomans that a sole visit of Serbian agent Vezenković sparked premature revolts.{{harvnb|MacKenzie|1985|p=321}}: "The visit of Vezenkovic, a Serbian agent, to that area in the spring of 1867 sparked premature uprisings. Some 10,000 tribesmen were ready to revolt, he informed Ristic." When Vezenković returned to Belgrade he urged the Serbian government to begin with the Albanian insurrection explaining that 10,000 Albanian rebels were prepared to revolt.{{harvnb|MacKenzie|1985|p=321}} At the end of 1867 a large Albanian revolt aimed against introduction of new taxes erupted in the regions of Peć, Prizren and Đakovica.{{harvnb|Maletić|Berisha|1973|p=154}}: "Крајем 1867. избија велики револт Албанаца у области Пећи, Призрена и Ђаковице против увођења новог пореза "

Collapse and aftermath

After the murder of Prince Mihailo Obrenović in 1868, he was succeeded by his 13-year-old grandnephew Milan Obrenović. Without Mihailo's strong direction, the Balkan alliance network collapsed.{{harvnb|Jelavich|2004|p=153}}: "Without strong direction the alliance network collapsed" In the following years only Montenegro was ready to renew already agreed measures, which resulted with a new alliance agreement in 1876.{{harvnb|Vučinić|1996|p=}}: "Међутим, од свих ранијих савезника једино је Црна Гора била спремна да очува такав статус, што је резултирало закључењем новог Уговора о савезу 1876."

Although this alliance was not successful, it was an indicator of a more aggressive period of Balkan nationalisms after the Berlin Congress (1878).{{harvnb|Society|1997|p=8}}: The First Balkan Alliance of 1866–68, although unsuccessful, could be taken as an indicator. After Berlin, Balkan nationalisms entered a more aggressive phase of ...

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