Manam language

Some vowels become glides in diphthongs, e.g. {{IPA|/u/}}, {{IPA|/o/}} > {{IPA|[w]}} and {{IPA|/i/}}, {{IPA|/e/}} > {{IPA|[j]}}. {{IPA|/i/}} and {{IPA|/u/}} are 'weaker' than {{IPA|/e/}} and {{IPA|/o/}}, so that the syllable {{IPA|/kuo/}} becomes {{IPA|[kwo]}} and not {{IPA|*[kuw]}}

According to Turner, {{IPA|/k/}} is more and more often realized as {{IPA|[ʔ]}}, while some older speakers have {{IPA|[q]}}.

The Manam syllable is (C)(V₁)V(V₁)(C₁), the only exception is a syllabic {{IPA|[m̩]}}.

There are some phonotactic restrictions on the prevalent syllable structure. E.g. V₁ cannot be {{IPA|[a]}}, whereas V must be {{IPA|[a]}} as long as it is not the syllable's sole vowel. C can be any consonant, whereas C₁ must be a nasal consonant.

Stress is phonemic: {{IPA|/ˈsara/}} 'palm tree', {{IPA|/saˈra/}} 'seagull'. The stress falls on one of the three last syllables of a word, and stressing the penult syllable is the most common: {{IPA|/ˈnatu/}} 'child', {{IPA|/maˈlipi/}} 'work'. If the last syllable ends in a nasal consonant, it will be stressed instead: {{IPA|/naˈtum/}} 'your child'. Some inflections and affixes do not alter the stress of the root word: {{IPA|/iˈto/}} 'he learned' (i- is a 3rd person prefix), {{IPA|/siˈŋabalo/}} 'in the bush' (-lo is a locative suffix).

In the orthography, stressed vowels can be underlined in order to avoid ambiguities. Ie. {{IPA|/ˈsara/}} {{angle bracket|sara}} 'palm tree', {{IPA|/saˈra/}} {{angle bracket|sara}} 'seagull'.

The basic, unmarked word order in Manam is SOV:

{{interlinear|

|tamoata boro i-un-i

|man pig 3SG.SUB-hit-3SG.OBJ

|'The man hit the pig.'

|lang=mva}}

Lichtenberk defines the predicator as the primary element within a clause.{{Rp|92}} The predicator of a Manam clause can be realised in a variety of different ways, such as verb phrases Ex. (1), noun phrases Ex. (2), postpositional phrases Ex. (3), numbers Ex. (4), etc.{{Rp|93}}

Ex. (1): verb phrase predicator{{Rp|94}}

{{interlinear

|number=(1)

|natu masa ŋa-eno

|child INIR 3SG.IRR-sleep

|'the child will sleep'

|lang=mva}}

Ex. (2): noun phrase predicator{{Rp|94}}

{{interlinear

|number=(2)

|aine ene i-tui=tui tina-gu

|woman over 3SG.IRR-stand-RPL mother-1SG.AD

|'the woman who is standing over there is my mother'

|lang=mva}}

Ex. (3): postpositional phrase predicator{{Rp|94}}

{{interlinear

|number=(3)

|tamoata ŋe-ø paŋana-ø patu boʔana

|man this-3SG.AD head-3SG.AD stone SIM

|'this man's head is like a stone' i.e. 'this man is stubborn as a mule'

|lang=mva}}

Ex. (4): numeral predicator{{Rp|94}}

{{interlinear

|number=(4)

|boro ne-gu wati

|pig POSS-1SG.AD four

|'I have four pigs' ({{lit|my pigs are four}})

|lang=mva}}

Negation in Manam is primarily expressed using one of two negative markers: {{lang|mva|moaʔi}} and {{lang|mva|tago}}. {{lang|mva|moaʔi}} is used exclusively in direct speech prohibitions; whilst {{lang|mva|tago}} is used for all other cases.{{Rp|384}}

The use of {{lang|mva|tago}} is primarily categorised by its scope of negation, which further indicates the focus of the clause. The spectrum of scope runs from negating one or more elements within a single clause, to negating an entire clause. The concept of scope of negation can be demonstrated in English: 'I did not go to the party' is an example of a broad scope of negation, i.e. the verb phrase (VP) is negated; therefore, the act of going to the party is negated; 'not one person went to the party' is an example of a narrow scope of negation, i.e. the subject is negated, not the act of going to the party.

A broad scope of negation is expressed in Manam by negating the predicator—this is done so by placing the negative marker {{lang|mva|tago}} before the predicator,{{Rp|385}} as demonstrated in the following examples:

Ex. (5): broad scope negation–1 element{{Rp|385}}

{{interlinear

|number=(5)

|tago u-loŋo

|NEG 1SG.REAL-hear

|'I did not hear'

|lang=mva}}

Ex. (6): broad scope negation–2 elements{{Rp|385}}

{{interlinear

|number=(6)

|tamoata tago ŋa-te-a

|man NEG 3SG.IRR-see-1SG.OBJ

|'the man will not see me'

|lang=mva}}

Ex. (7): broad scope negation–3 elements{{Rp|385}}

{{interlinear

|number=(7)

|baʔaraʔa nora tago ʔu-pura?

|why yesterday NEG 2SG.REAL-come

|'why didn't you come yesterday?'

|lang=mva}}

Additionally, the negative marker {{lang|mva|tago}} can also function as a predicator of existential and possessive clauses.{{Rp|387}} Compare the following examples:

Ex. (8): negative existential sentence{{Rp|387}}

{{interlinear

|number=(8)

|ewa tago

|fire NEG

|'there is no fire'

|lang=mva}}

Ex. (9): negative possessive sentence{{Rp|387}}

{{interlinear

|number=(9)

|mone ne-gu tago

|money POSS-1SG NEG

|'I have no money'

|lang=mva}}

As a general rule, Manam primarily expresses narrow scope negation by placing {{lang|mva|tago}} before the element which is being negated i.e. the object of focused negation within the clause.

Ex. (10): narrow scope negation{{Rp|387}}

{{interlinear

|number=(10)

|ŋai tago toʔa-ø di-pura-budu-ru

|3SG.IP NEG older.brother-3SG.AD 3PL.REAL-come-together-DL

|'he came without his brother'

|lang=mva}}

In example (10), it is not the act of coming that is being negated; rather the negation is narrowly focused in negating the presence of the brother.

Ex. (11): narrow scope negation{{Rp|387}}

{{interlinear

|number=(11)

|tago ara-ø-n-oti i-ʔila-i

|NEG name-3SG.AD-BF-INSTR 3SG.REAL-call-3SG.OBJ

|'he did not call him by his name' (i.e. he called him not by his name but by some other name)

|lang=mva}}

Similarly, in example (11), it is not the act of calling one's name that is being negated, rather the negation focuses the fact that someone was called, but by some other name that was not their own.

Additionally, the negative marker {{lang|mva|tago}} can be used in conjunction with the quantifiers {{lang|mva|teʔe}} 'one' and {{lang|mva|alu}} 'some' to produce the negative expressions, {{lang|mva|tago teʔe}} 'no, not any' and {{lang|mva|tago alu}} 'no, not any'.{{Rp|386}} These expressions function as attributes within the noun phrases that they modify, as seen in the following examples (NP are enclosed within brackets):

Ex. (12): negation using {{lang|mva|tago teʔe}}{{Rp|386}}

{{interlinear

|number=(12)

|ŋau [ʔana tago teʔe-ø] u-te-ø

|1SG.IP thing NEG one-3SG.AD 1SG.REAL-see-3SG.OBJ

|'I did not see anything' ({{lit|I saw not one thing}})

|lang=mva}}

Ex. (13): negation using {{lang|mva|tago teʔe}}{{Rp|386}}

{{interlinear

|number=(13)

|[tamoata tago teʔe-ø] taun-lo i-laʔo

|person NEG one-3SG.AD town-to 3SG.REAL-go

|'no one went to town' ({{lit|not one person went to town}})

|lang=mva}}

More specifically, {{lang|mva|tago alu}} is used to modify noun phrases whose head are mass nouns; {{lang|mva|tago teʔe}} comparatively modifies count nouns.{{Rp|386}} Compare the following two examples:

Ex. (14): negative quantifier mass noun{{Rp|386}}

{{interlinear

|number=(14)

|[daŋ tago alu-ø] di-eno

|water NEG one-3SG.AD 3PL.REAL-exist

|'there is no water' ({{lit|not some water exists}})

|lang=mva}}

Ex. (15): negative quantifier count noun{{Rp|386}}

{{interlinear

|number=(15)

|[daŋ tago teʔe-ø] di-eno

|water NEG some-3SG.AD 3PL.REAL-exist

|'there is no (containerful) of water'

|lang=mva}}

Negation in Manam can be intensified by appending the buffer element –na and the intensifier suffix {{lang|mva|–tina}} to {{lang|mva|tago}},{{Rp|388}} as seen in the following example:

Ex. (16): intensifier suffix{{Rp|389}}

{{interlinear|

|number=(16)

|ŋai tago-ø-na-tina i-pile=pile

|3SG.IP NEG-3SG.AD-BF-INT 3SG.REAL-speak-RPL

|'he does not speak at all'

|lang=mva}}

The buffer element {{lang|mva|–na}}, however, is not included when {{lang|mva|tago}} acts as the predicator of a clause,{{Rp|388}} as seen in the following example:

Ex. (17): intensified predicator{{Rp|389}}

{{interlinear

|number=(17)

|ŋau bua tago-tina

|1SG.IP betelnut NEG-INT

|'I have no betelnuts at all'

|lang=mva}}

Additionally, negation in Manam can be intensified using {{lang|mva|sesu}} 'little',{{Rp|389}} as seen in the following example:

Ex. (18): intensifier {{lang|mva|sesu}}{{Rp|389}}

{{interlinear

|number=(18)

|tamoata-ŋe tago sesu u-tea=te-ø

|man-this NEG little 1SG.REAL-RPL-see-3SG.OBJ

|'I don't visit (see) this man at all'

|lang=mva}}

Moreover, {{lang|mva|sesu}} 'little' can be used in conjunction with {{lang|mva|–tina}} within the same clause, as seen in the following example:{{Rp|388}}

Ex. (19): intensifier {{lang|mva|sesu}} + suffix {{lang|mva|–tina}}{{Rp|389}}

{{interlinear

|number=(19)

|tago-ø-na-tina sesu di-ra=raŋ-aʔ-idi

|NEG-3SG.AD-BF-INT little 3PL.REAL-talk.about-RPL-TRANS-3PL.OBJ

|'they do not talk about themselves at all'

|lang=mva}}

Furthermore, the suffix {{lang|mva|–tina}} may be appended to the prohibitive marker {{lang|mva|moaʔi}} (with the presence of the buffer {{lang|mva|–na}}),{{Rp|419}} as seen in the following example:

Ex. (20): suffix {{lang|mva|–tina}} + prohibitive marker {{lang|mva|moaʔi}}{{Rp|340}}

{{interlinear

|number=(20)

|moaʔi-ø-na-tina niu-be ʔulu ʔu-buiriʔapotaʔ-i

|PROH-3SG.AD-BF-INT coconut-and breadfruit 2SG.REAL-mix-3PL.OBJ

|'don't mix the coconuts and the breadfruit'

|lang=mva}}

Manam expresses prohibitions in two basic ways: using finite verbs—defined as verb (phrase) forms that can occur on their own in a main clause;{{Cite book |last=Crystal |first=David |title=A dictionary of linguistics and phonetics |publisher=John Wiley & Sons |year=2008 |location=Hoboken, NJ}}{{Rp|183}} using gerunds and verbal nouns. Lichtenberk defines gerunds as verb nuclei used to indicate 'non-specific' events, whereas verbal nouns are used to indicate ‘specific’ events.{{Rp|243–244}} Compare the following examples:

Ex. (21): gerund{{Rp|244}}

{{interlinear

|number=(21)

|udi tano-ø tago u-ʔawa

|banana plant-3PL.OBJ NEG 1SG.REAL-know

|'I don't know how to plant bananas' (in general)

|lang=mva}}

Ex. (22): verbal noun{{Rp|244}}

{{interlinear

|number=(22)

|udi tanom-a-di tago u-ʔawa

|banana plant-NOM-3PL.AD NEG 1SG.REAL-know

|'I don't know to plant the bananas' (specific bananas)

|lang=mva}}

The basic structure of prohibitive constructions using finite verbs is {{lang|mva|moaʔi}} followed by a verb with a realis subject/mood prefix,{{Rp|438}} as seen in the following examples:

Ex. (23): prohibitive construction finite verb{{Rp|418}}

{{interlinear

|number=(23)

|moaʔi ʔu-pereʔ-i

|PROH 2SG.REAL-lose-3SG.OBJ

|'don't lose it'

|lang=mva}}

Ex. (24): prohibitive construction finite verb w/ subject NP{{Rp|419}}

{{interlinear

|number=(24)

|ŋai moaʔi i-raʔe-i

|3SG.IP PROH 3SG.REAL-put.up-3SG.OBJ

|'he should not boast' ({{lit|he should not put himself up}})

|lang=mva}}

Ex. (25): prohibitive construction finite verb w/ direct object NP{{Rp|419}}

{{interlinear

|number=(25)

|botolo moapesa-di moaʔi ʔu-roʔaʔ-i-ramo

|bottle broken-3PL.AD PROH 2SG.REAL-throw-3PL.OBJ-all

|'don't throw broken bottles around!'

|lang=mva}}

Sometimes, however—the subject or direct object NP may occur between {{lang|mva|moaʔi}} and the verb,{{Rp|419}} as in the following example:

Ex. (26): prohibitive construction finite verb{{Rp|419}}

{{interlinear

|number=(26)

|moaʔi taburi-miŋ di-raya

|PROH fear-2PL.AD 3PL.REAL-be.bad

|'don't be afraid!' ({{lit|your fear should not be bad}})

|lang=mva}}

Prohibitive constructions using gerunds or verbal nouns are formed by placing the prohibitive/negative marker {{lang|mva|moaʔi}} after the gerund or verbal noun,{{Rp|420}} demonstrated in the following example:

Ex. (27): prohibitive construction using gerund/verbal noun{{Rp|421}}

{{interlinear

|number=(27)

|taŋ moaʔi

|cry PROH

|'don't cry' / 'we/they/... should not cry'

|lang=mva}}

{{Rp|412}}The distinction between using a gerund or a verbal noun is determined by whether the source verb is transitive (verbal noun) or intransitive (gerund).{{Rp|420}}

Additionally, the form {{lang|mva|raʔania}} 'never mind' may also be used in forming prohibitive constructions using gerunds and verbal nouns. The location of {{lang|mva|raʔania}} within the clause is more dynamic than the prohibitive/negative marker {{lang|mva|moaʔi}}, as {{lang|mva|raʔania}} may occur both following or preceding the verbal noun or gerund.{{Rp|420}} Compare the following two examples:

Ex. (28): prohibitive construction using {{lang|mva|raʔania}} (following){{Rp|412}}

{{interlinear

|number=(28)

|misaʔa raʔania

|smack.lips never.mind

|'stop smacking your lips!'

|lang=mva}}

Ex. (29): prohibitive construction using {{lang|mva|raʔania}} (preceding)

{{interlinear

|number=(29)

|raʔania soaʔi-baya

|never.mind sit-LIM

|'you/we/... should not be just sitting doing nothing'

|lang=mva}}

The negative marker {{lang|mva|tago}} is used when expressing prohibitions in indirect speech{{Rp|422}}—its behaviour is identical as in its regular usage: {{lang|mva|tago}} is placed before the element which is being negated, as seen in the following example:

Ex. (30): indirect prohibitive construction{{Rp|422}}

{{interlinear

|number=(30)

|di tago ga-taga-di ʔana di-ra-ʔama

|3PL.RP NEG EXC.IRR-follow-3PL.OBJ PROSP 3PL.REAL-talk.to-EXC.OBJ

|'they told us not to follow them' ({{lit|we were/are not going to follow them; they told us}})

|lang=mva}}

Manam has an unusual, though regionally common, four-way distinction between singular, dual, paucal, and plural number. Singular and plural are marked on the verb and sometimes on the adjective, but not on the noun.

Reduplication can be either leftward ({{lang|mva|sa-salaga}}) or rightward ({{lang|mva|salaga-laga}}). There is no point in distinguishing 'partial' and 'total' reduplication, since at most two syllables are reduplicated.

Rightwards reduplicated nouns can either take on a meaning related to the original word, or function as an agentive marker:

:

Here are two examples of how number can be marked on the adjective through the different kinds of reduplication:

Rightward reduplication (singular)

:

Leftward reduplication (plural)

:

The verb always marks the subject and the mood; these are fused together. Optional suffixes include such things as object, direction, aspectual markers, benefactive and various kinds of intensifiers and quantifiers.

Here is a schematical overview of the Manam verb:

The marking of subject is obligatory. In addition to expressing number and person, the pronouns have fused with the mood markers (see below) called realis and irrealis.

The realis mood ({{sc|real}}) is used for actual events of the past or present, i.e. things that are certain to have happened, things that are "real". Accordingly, the irrealis ({{sc|irr}}) mood describes anticipated events in the future, or events that the speaker wishes were real.

{{interlinear

|ura nga-pura

|rain 3SG.IRR-come

|'it will rain'

|lang=mva}}

{{interlinear

|u-noku

|1SG.REAL-jump

|'I jumped'

|lang=mva}}

{{interlinear

|nga-pile i-bebe

|3SG.IRR-say 3SG.REAL-unable

|'he will say that he is unable' (he still hasn't said anything, but when he does, his inability will be stated as actual)

|lang=mva}}

{{interlinear

|tama-gu i-rere zama go-pura

|father-1SG.POSS 3SG.REAL-want tomorrow 2SG.IRR-come

|'my father wants you to come tomorrow' (the father's wanting is real, whereas the anticipated coming is still unreal)

|lang=mva}}

Manner prefixes are found between the subject/mood marker and the verb root. The manner prefixes describe in what manner the verb action was done, such as 'biting', 'cutting', 'throwing' etc.

{{interlinear

|boro u-tara-paka-i

|pig 1SG.REAL-spearing-miss-3SG.OBJ

|'I speared at the pig but missed it'

|lang=mva}}

{{interlinear

|mi-ang-ko

|1SG.IRR-give-2SG.OBJ

|'I will give (it) to you'

|lang=mva}}

{{interlinear

|niu u-sing-Ø

|coconut 1SG.REAL-drink-3SG.OBJ

|'I drank a coconut'

|lang=mva}}

{{interlinear

|go-ang-kama

|2SG.IRR-give-EXCL

|'give it to us'

|lang=mva}}

There are three different morphologically overt methods for turning intransitive verbs into transitive ones:

• The prefix {{lang|mva|-aka-}} can occur between the person/mood marker and the verb root.
• The suffix {{lang|mva|-ka-}} can occur between the verb root and the outer suffixes.
• The so-called "transitive consonant" (TC) can occur between the verb root and the outer suffixes.

These methods can be combined.

{{interlinear

|dang i-aka-gita-i

|water 3SG.REAL-TRANS-be.hot-3SG.OBJ

|'he heated the water'

|lang=mva}}

{{interlinear

|aka-tukura--ng-ak-i

|TRANS-be.short-TC-TRANS-3SG.OBJ

|'to shorten it'

|lang=mva}}

The object suffixes are also optional, but rather common. Here are a few examples of some of the more unusual suffix types:

Direction

{{interlinear

|go-dok-a-mai

|2SG.IRR-bring-3SG.OBJ-hither

|'bring it here'

|lang=mva}}

Spreading

{{interlinear

|pipia i-rokaki-ramoi

|rubbish 3SG.REAL-throw_away-all_over

|'he throws rubbish all over the place'

|lang=mva}}

Intensifying

{{interlinear

|u-rere-tina

|1SG.REAL-like-very

|'I like it very much'

|lang=mva}}

Benefactive

{{interlinear

|go-moasi-n-a

|2SG.IRR-sing-BEN-1SG.OBJ

|'sing for me'

|lang=mva}}

Most adjectives are derived by reduplication from a verb or a noun. As seen above, some reduplicated adjectives have a number distinction, but some others do not, e.g. {{lang|mva|siki-siki}} 'small' (singular and plural). Some adjectives use the possessive pronouns to mark person and number, e.g. {{lang|mva|kapisa-Ø}} 'selfish' (singular) and {{lang|mva|kapisa-di}} 'selfish' (plural).

As in many other Austronesian languages Manam expresses different degrees of possession. In addition to the most common differentiation between alienable and inalienable possession, Manam uses a particular morphological processes to describe belongings that are edible or associated with eating.

In this class are 'belongings' that are involuntary, such as body parts, family members and different kinds of necessary 'parts of a whole'. This class is characterized by simply a possessive suffix attached to the word in question:

{{interlinear

|mata-gu

|eye-1SG.POSS

|'my eye'

|lang=mva}}

{{interlinear

|niu labu-di

|coconut base-3PL.POSS

|'the bases of the coconut trees'

|lang=mva}}

In this class are things that are edible and 'used to obtain, prepare or store food'. This class is characterized by the word {{lang|mva|kana}}, which is placed after the possessed thing and to which the possessive suffix is attached:

{{interlinear

|udi kana-gu

|banana FOOD-1SG.POSS

|'my banana'

|lang=mva}}

In this class are belongings that are voluntary; things that one can cease to own, unlike body parts or family. This class is characterized by the word {{lang|mva|ne}}, which is placed after the possessed thing and to which the possessive suffix is attached:

{{interlinear

|kati ne-gu

|canoe ALIEN-1SG.POSS

|'my canoe'

|lang=mva}}

{{interlinear

|natu keu ne-di

|child dog ALIEN-3PL.POSS

|'the children's dogs'

|lang=mva}}

One notable aspect is that the same word can occur in all three possession classes, and then of course its meaning will differ. Here are two examples:

Manam has two kinds of demonstratives.{{Rp|331}} This two-way system distinguishes between proximal demonstratives, which indicate proximity to a speaker, and distal demonstratives, which indicate distance from a speaker. Both demonstratives occur after the noun phrase. They are formed from the demonstrative marker {{lang|mva|ŋa}}, followed by either the proximal suffix {{lang|mva|-e}} or the distal marker {{lang|mva|-ra}}, followed by either the third-person singular marker -∅ or the third-person plural marker {{lang|mva|-di}} as shown in the table{{Rp|331}} below:

Data from WALS suggests that both the Austronesian and Papuan languages, which are geographically close to the Manam language community, show an approximately even distribution of two-way and three-way distinction systems for demonstratives.{{Cite web |title=Feature 88A: Order of Demonstrative and Noun |url=https://wals.info/feature/88A#2/16.3/152.8 |access-date=2021-03-30 |website=WALS Online}} In fact, despite Ross's observation that "Schouten family members are … much more closely related to each other than to any other members of the [North New Guinea] Linkage",{{Cite book |last=Lynch |first=John |title=The Oceanic Languages |last2=Ross |first2=Malcolm |last3=Crowley |first3=Terry |publisher=Taylor & Francis Group |year=2001 |isbn=9781136749858}}{{Rp|106}} Kairiru, which like Manam is a member of the Schouten family, shows a three-way distinction in its demonstratives. The reconstructed proto language Proto-Oceanic (POc), from which the Schouten family is descended, was determined to have a three-way distinction system. POc's system is believed to have included an additional demonstrative compared to Manam, the medial demonstrative which indicates an intermediate distance, or proximity to the listener rather than the speaker.{{Rp|72}} However, Manam does show the same noun-demonstrative word order which was reconstructed for POc.{{Rp|72}}

In Manam, the proximal form is often contracted from {{lang|mva|ŋa-e-}} to {{lang|mva|ŋe-}}.{{Rp|332}} It can also be cliticised to a proceeding word when it is not followed by a suffix. Because the 3sg adnominal suffix has a zero form, {{lang|mva|ŋe-}} can be cliticised for this construction. This means that Examples (1), (2), and (3) are all acceptable ways to construct 'this woman', while example (4) but not Example (5) is an acceptable construction of 'these women'.

{{interlinear

|number=(1){{Rp|332}}

|áine ŋa-e-∅

|woman DEM-PROX-3SG.AD

|'this woman'

|lang=mva}}

{{interlinear

|number=(2){{Rp|332}}

|áine ŋe-∅

|woman DEMPROX-3SG.AD

|'this woman'

|lang=mva}}

{{interlinear

|number=(3){{Rp|332}}

|áine-ŋe

|woman-DEMPROX

|'this woman'

|lang=mva}}

{{interlinear

|number=(4){{Rp|332}}

|áine ŋe-di

|woman DEMPROX-3PL.AD

|'these woman'

|lang=mva}}

{{interlinear

|number=(5){{Rp|332}}

|*áine-ŋe-di

|woman-DEMPROX-3PL.AD

|'*these woman'

|lang=mva}}

It is also acceptable to remove the head noun, for instance in the comparative construction in Example (6).{{Rp|334}}

{{interlinear

|number=(6){{Rp|334}}

|bé?e nára-∅ tágo i-moatúbu ŋa-e-∅ i-moatubu-tína

|bag that-3SG.AD NEG 3SG.AD-be.heavy DEM-PROX-3SG.AD 3SG.RL-be.heavy-INT

|'This bag is heavier than that one' ({{lit|that bag is not heavy, this one is very heavy}})

|lang=mva}}

A selective form can be derived from the proximal demonstrative (but not the distal demonstrative).{{Rp|334}} It is formed by adding the suffix {{lang|mva|-ni}} after the proximal marker and before the adnominal suffix, as per Example (7) below, and indicates selection out of a set or group of options.

{{interlinear

|number=(7){{Rp|334}}

|tabìra ŋá-e-ni-∅ gó-do?-i

|dish DEM-PROX-SEL-3SG.AD 2SG.IR-take-3SG.OBJ

|'take this dish (from among several)'

|lang=mva}}

The selective suffix is optional and is used when it is necessary to express selection explicitly. If not, the basic demonstrative can be used.{{Rp|335}}

Previous examples of the use of the demonstrative in Manam have been exophoric, referring to the world outside of the text. However, they can also be used anaphorically, to reference something previously brought up by a speaker.{{Rp|335}} Although Example (8) below demonstrates that both the proximal and the distal demonstrative can be used anaphorically, the proximal demonstrative is used much more commonly than the distal in this manner.

{{interlinear

|number=(8){{Rp|336}}

|móare ŋe-∅ bó?ai di-alále ... ?ána ŋa-ra-∅ ?ába di-zalaóno-ø-di

|Flower DEMPROX-3SG.AD thus 3PL.IR-go thing DEM-DIST-3SG.AD again 3PL-RL-block path-BEN-3PL.OBJ

|'those flowers (mentioned earlier) floated like that... those things (i.e. the flowers) again blocked their way' ({{lit|blocked path on them}})

|lang=mva}}

A second anaphoric use of the proximal demonstrative in Manam is as a resumptive pro-form.{{Rp|452}} In this situation, the proximal demonstrative is used to sum up or resume discussing a topic that has already been spoken about. It can be used in reference to a topic discussed within the same sentence, or in an earlier sentence.{{Rp|453}} When it is used to reference a topic within one sentence, the resumptive pro-form will immediately follow its antecedent as in Example (9).

{{interlinear

|number=(9){{Rp|456}}

|péra ŋa-ra-∅-na-lo ŋe-∅ tamóata tágo té?e-∅ i-so?óa?i

|House DEM-DIST-3SG.AD-BF-in RESPRO-3SG.AD person NEG one-3SG.AD 3SG.IR-live

|'nobody lives in that house' or 'as for that house, nobody lives in it'

|lang=mva}}

When the proximal demonstrative is acting as a resumptive pro-form, it usually takes the from {{lang|mva|ŋe}} or {{lang|mva|-ŋe}} rather than {{lang|mva|ŋa-e}}.{{Rp|454}} The singular form is also more common than the plural form. This can be seen in Example (10) where the singular form is used despite the pro-from referring to a group of items.

{{interlinear

|number=(10){{Rp|454}}

|?àna moarúŋa ?úsi silíŋgisi sakét tràusis páipo móita ási ŋe-∅ ?u-tóa?-i

|thing all loincloth t-shirt jacket pants pipe knife bush.knife RESPRO-3SG.AD 2SG.RL-imitate-3SG.OBJ

|'(in) everything, loincloths t-shirts, jackets, pants, pipes, knives, bush knives, (in all) this it's her that you imitated'

|lang=mva}}

The resumptive pro-form can be used to reference a clause in order to indicate the time of a second clause, demonstrated by Example (11).{{Rp|457}} It is also commonly used when a noun phrase is modified by a relative clause, as can be seen in Example (12).

{{interlinear

|number=(11){{Rp|460}}

|u-múle-ŋe píta ábe i-alále

|1SG.RL-return-RESPRO P. already 3SG.RL-go

|'when i came back, Pita had already left' i.e. 'I came back; at this time Pita had already left'

|lang=mva}}

{{interlinear

|number=(12){{Rp|460}}

|tamóata áine i-ra{{=}}ra-í-ŋe píta tágo i-?awát-a?-i

|man woman 3SG.RL-talk.to-RPL-3SG.OBJ-RESPRO P. NEG 3SG.IR-know-TRANS-3SG.OBJ

|'Pita does not know the man who is talking to the woman' i.e. 'As for the man who is talking to the woman, Pita does not know him'

|lang=mva}}

It is also often used when a sentence is thematised, and can function similarly to a theme-marker even though it does not meet the requirements to be considered a thematiser.{{Rp|459}} In Example (13) below, {{lang|mva|ziràpu n-m}} ('your mattress') is the theme.

{{interlinear

|number=(13){{Rp|460}}

|zirápu n-m ŋe-∅ fred òno i-en{{=}}èno

|mattress POSS-2SG.AD RESPRO-3SG.AD F. OBL.PRO 3SG.RL-RPL-sleep

|'As for your mattress, Fred sleeps on it.'

|lang=mva}}

Manam, like most Oceanic languages, primarily uses an absolute reference directional system, even on a local scale, (as opposed to many European languages which primarily use relative reference systems). This system is oriented on a land-sea axis.{{Cite journal |last=François |first=A. |year=2004 |title=Reconstructing the geocentric system of Proto-Oceanic |url=https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00526846/file/AlexFrancois_GeocentricPOc_OL2004_Preprint.pdf |journal=Oceanic Linguistics |volume=43 |issue=1 |pages=1–31 |doi=10.1353/ol.2004.0009}} However, Manam's system is unique because it has taken on a circular nature, becoming intrinsically linked to the geography of the island which is almost perfectly circular. Below are the directional terms associated in Manam:{{Cite book |last=Lichtenberk |first=Frantisek |url=https://archive.org/details/grammarofmanam0000lich/page/n3/mode/2up |title=A grammar of Manam |publisher=University of Hawaii |year=1983 |isbn=0-8248-0764-2 |series=Oceanic Linguistics Special Publications |volume=18 |location=Honolulu |url-access=registration}}

This directional system has only been attested in four languages: Manam, Boumaa Fijian,{{Cite book |last=Dixon |first=R. M. W. |title=A grammar of Boumaa Fijian |publisher=University of Chicago Press |year=1988 |isbn=9780226154299}} Taba,{{Cite book |last=Bowden |first=John |title=Referring to space: Studies in Austronesian and Papuan languages |publisher=Oxford University Press |year=1997 |isbn=9780198236474 |editor-last=Senft |editor-first=Gunter |series=Oxford Studies in Anthropological Linguistics |location=Oxford |pages=251–268 |chapter=The meaning of directionals in Taba |doi=10.1093/oso/9780198236474.003.0011}} and Savosavo.{{Cite thesis |last=Wegener |first=Claudia |title=A Grammar of Savosavo, a Papuan Language of the Solomon Islands |degree=PhD |publisher=Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen |year=2008}}

The suffix {{lang|mva|-lo}} can be added to any of these terms to indicate movement towards that direction, as in Example (3).{{Rp|460}} No suffix is needed to indicate movement away from a direction – this is inferred from the context of the sentence (contrast Examples (1) and (2) with Example (3)).

{{interlinear

|number=(1){{Rp|593}}

|áta i-sòa?i

|ata 3SG.RL-be.located

|'He is in the {{lang|mva|ata}} direction'

|lang=mva}}

{{interlinear

|number=(2){{Rp|593}}

|áwa i-rà?e

|awa 3SG.RL-go.up

|'He went from {{lang|mva|awa}} direction'

|lang=mva}}

{{interlinear

|number=(3){{Rp|593}}

|aúta-lo i-òro

|auta-in 3SG.RL-go.inland

|'He went in {{lang|mva|auta}} direction'

|lang=mva}}

Spatial deixis describes how speakers can 'point out' the location of an object in relationship to their own position.{{Cite journal |last=Cairns |first=Barbara |date=2009-12-10 |title=Spatial Deixis - The Use of Spatial Co-ordinates in Spoken Language |url=https://journals.lub.lu.se/LWPL/article/view/2568 |journal=Working Papers, Lund University, Department of Linguistics and Phonetics |volume=38 |pages=19–28}} Manam has two main spatial deictical terms.{{Rp|573}}  These are {{lang|mva|ma?a}} ('here') and {{lang|mva|ma?a-ra}} ('there'). {{lang|mva|Ma?a-ra}} is constructed by suffixing the distal marker {{lang|mva|-ra}} to {{lang|mva|ma?a}}. These two terms are used regardless of which direction the speaker is indicating.{{Rp|573}} If it is necessary to specify direction, this can be done by adding the directional term after the deictical term,{{Rp|576}} as is done in Example (4).

{{interlinear

|number=(4){{Rp|593}}

|nátu má?ara iláu i-sóa?i

|Child there ilau 3SG.RL-be.located

|'the child is there (in {{lang|mva|ilau}} direction)'

|lang=mva}}

Manam has three additional spatial deixis, which are used to specify spatial relationships in a specific direction.{{Rp|574}} These terms refer to the land-sea directional system described above, and are listed below:{{Rp|573}}

Interestingly, unlike Manam's two-way distinction for demonstratives, these directional spatial deictical terms show the same three-way distinction that was reconstructed for Proto-Oceanic (POc).{{Rp|72}}  To indicate an intermediate distance, the distal suffix {{lang|mva|-ra}} can be added to each directional spatial deictic. If the object described is so far away as to be out of sight, the spatial dialectical term can be combined with a directional term to indicate extreme distance.{{Rp|574}} This is illustrated in the table below:{{Rp|575}}

Similar to directional terms, to indicate movement towards the most distant directional spatial dialectical terms, the suffix {{lang|mva|-lo}} is added as in Example (5). For the less distant terms, no affix is needed, illustrated by Example (6).

{{interlinear

|number=(5){{Rp|576}}

|ene-tu?a-tína i-sóa?i

|over.there-INT-INT 3SG.RL-be.located

|'he is way over there (in {{lang|mva|ata}} or {{lang|mva|awa}} direction)'

|lang=mva}}

{{interlinear

|number=(6){{Rp|576}}

|i-alále enáwa-lo ?ába i-múle enáta-lo

|3SG.RL-go far.over.there-to again 3SG.RL-return far.over.there-to

|'he went long way over there (in {{lang|mva|awa}} direction) then (again) went back long way over there (in {{lang|mva|ata}} direction)'

|lang=mva}}

• Lichtenberk, Frantisek (1983) A grammar of Manam. Oceanic Linguistics Special Publication No. 18. Honolulu, University of Hawaii Press. (Available in JSTOR.)
• Turner, Blaine (1986) [http://www.sil.org/pacific/png/pubs/0000153/Manam%20Teaching%20Grammar.pdf A teaching grammar of the Manam language]
• [http://www.everyculture.com/Oceania/Manam-Orientation.html Short description of Manam culture]
• Paradisec has [http://catalog.paradisec.org.au/collections/search?language_code=mva a number of collections with Manam materials]
• Crystal, David (2008) A dictionary of linguistics and phonetics. Hoboken: John Wiley & Sons, Inc.

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Category:Languages of Papua New Guinea

Category:Schouten languages