Pact of Madrid
{{Short description|1953 treaty between Spain and the United States}}File:Franco eisenhower 1959 madrid.jpg of Spain, Francisco Franco, and U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower at the U.S. Torrejón Air Base near Madrid during the {{Interlanguage link|1959 Dwight D. Eisenhower visit to Spain|lt=U.S. President's visit to Spain in 1959|es|Visita de Dwight D. Eisenhower a España en 1959}}.[http://elpais.com/diario/2009/12/21/opinion/1261350010_850215.html When Eisenhower Visited Franco] El País (December 21, 2009)]]
The so-called Pacts of Madrid of 1953 were three "executive agreements" signed in Madrid on September 23, 1953, between the United States and Spain, then under the dictatorship of General Franco. Under these agreements, five U.S. military bases were to be established on Spanish soil in exchange for economic and military aid. For the Francoist regime, these pacts, alongside the concordat with the Catholic Church signed a month earlier, marked its definitive integration into the Western bloc after years of isolation following World War II due to its ties with the Axis powers. The Spanish government also received additional assistance known as "{{Interlanguage link|American aid to Spain|lt=American aid|es|Ayuda americana}}."
The agreements were a significant effort to break Spain’s international isolation post-World War II, a period when the victorious Allies of World War II and much of the world remained hostile to a fascist regime sympathetic to the Axis cause and established with German and Italian assistance.{{Cite book |url=https://www.loc.gov/item/90006127/ |title=Spain: a country study |date=1990 |publisher=Federal Research Division, Library of Congress |editor-last=Solsten |editor-first=Eric |location=Washington, D.C. |pages=320–321 |oclc=44200005 |postscript=. {{PD-notice}} |editor-last2=Meditz |editor-first2=Sandra W.}}
Background
{{See also|First Francoism}}
File:Franco dando un discurso en Éibar en 1949.jpg in 1949. During the regime’s isolation period, General Franco rarely appeared in military uniform, unlike the rest of his tenure.]]
By late 1947, signs emerged that the Western powers’ stance toward Franco’s regime was softening, as the former World War II allies split into the "free world" versus the "communist dictatorship," in the words of President Harry Truman. The outbreak of the "Cold War" ultimately benefited the Francoist regime, giving Spain newfound strategic value to the Western bloc against a potential Soviet attack on Europe not controlled by the Red Army.{{Sfn|Moradiellos|2000|p=98}}
In November 1947, the United States successfully opposed a new condemnation of Franco’s regime at the UN and prevented further sanctions. Four months later, France reopened its border with Spain, closed in 1946 after the execution of Cristino García Granda. Between May and June 1948, trade and financial agreements were signed with France and the United Kingdom. Early in 1949, the Francoist regime received its first U.S. bank loan, approved by the American government, worth $25 million.{{Sfn|Moradiellos|2000|pp=98-99}} Shortly before, the chairman of the U.S. Senate Armed Services Committee had visited Spain.{{Sfn|Gil Pecharromán|2008|p=85}}
The "rehabilitation" of the Francoist regime was formally completed in 1950, following the outbreak of the Korean War in June, the first major Cold War confrontation. Upon learning of North Korea’s invasion of South Korea, the Spanish government quickly sent a note to the U.S. offering "to assist the United States in halting communism by sending forces to Korea." The U.S. merely thanked Spain, but the following month, the Senate, at the urging of Democrat Pat McCarran—a member of the Spanish Lobby created by José Félix de Lequerica, Franco’s unofficial representative in Washington—authorized the Export-Import Bank to grant Spain a $62.5 million loan.{{Sfn|Gil Pecharromán|2008|p=105}} On November 4, 1950, the UN General Assembly, with strong U.S. support and French and British abstentions, revoked the December 1946 resolution condemning Franco’s regime by a wide margin—38 in favor, 10 against, 12 abstentions.{{Cite web |date=November 4, 1950 |title=Resultado de la votación A/RES/386(V) "Relaciones de los Estados Miembros y de los organismos especializados con España" |trans-title=Result of the vote A/RES/386(V) "Relations of Member States and specialized agencies with Spain" |url=http://unbisnet.un.org:8080/ipac20/ipac.jsp?session=14476S03F8789.8095&profile=voting&uri=full=3100023~!908635~!1&ri=1&aspect=power&menu=search&source=~!horizon |access-date=November 15, 2015 |language=en}}{{Sfn|Gil Pecharromán|2008|p=86}} In the following months, Western ambassadors returned to Madrid, and Spain’s entry into UN specialized agencies was approved.{{Sfn|Moradiellos|2000|p=100}}
The U.S. interest in Spain centered on its geostrategic value: besides controlling the Strait of Gibraltar, the Spanish mainland could serve as a rear base for U.S. military operations in Europe, while the Canary Islands offered a prime position for controlling a vast Atlantic and northwestern African area.{{Sfn|Gil Pecharromán|2008|pp=106-107}}
Agreements
File:Madrid - Palacio de Santa Cruz (Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores de España) 2.jpg, headquarters of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, where the Madrid Pacts were signed.]]
Negotiations with the U.S. began in April 1952—after the U.S. Chief of Naval Operations had met Franco in Madrid in July 1951, reaching a preliminary military cooperation agreement. The U.S. delegation was led by General August Kissner for military matters and George Train for economic issues, while Spain’s delegation was headed by General Juan Vigón. Initial U.S. reluctance to politically endorse Franco was overcome after Dwight Eisenhower’s election, with the appointment of James Dunn as ambassador to Madrid, who was more flexible than his predecessor in accepting Spain’s terms. The agreements were signed on September 23, 1953, but they were not treaties—as Spain had requested—but "executive agreements" between governments, as a treaty would have required U.S. Senate approval, which was unattainable due to widespread opposition to Franco’s regime.{{Sfn|Gil Pecharromán|2008|pp=106-108}}
At the signing ceremony in the Palacio de Santa Cruz, the unequal nature of the agreements was evident: Spain was represented by Foreign Minister Alberto Martín-Artajo and Commerce Minister Manuel Arburúa, while the U.S. delegation consisted only of its ambassador and the president of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce in Spain.{{Sfn|Gil Pecharromán|2008|p=109}}
The Pacts of Madrid comprised three agreements: the first dealt with U.S. provision of war materiel to Spain; the second covered economic aid, including loans; the third, the most significant, addressed mutual defense aid, establishing U.S. military bases on Spanish soil. Spain committed "to contribute fully to the development and maintenance of its own defensive power and that of the free world… to the extent permitted by its human potential, resources, facilities, and general economic condition," and "consistent with its political and economic stability," effectively securing U.S. support for the Francoist regime.{{Sfn|Gil Pecharromán|2008|p=108}} The base agreement stated:{{Sfn|Gil Pecharromán|2008|p=109}}
{{Quote|The Government of Spain authorizes the Government of the United States… to develop, maintain, and use for military purposes, jointly with the Government of Spain, those areas and facilities in Spanish territory under Spanish jurisdiction deemed necessary by the competent authorities of both governments for the purposes of this Agreement. […] The areas prepared for joint use under this Agreement shall always remain under the Spanish flag and command, and Spain shall undertake to adopt the necessary measures for their external security. However, the United States may, in all cases, exercise the necessary oversight over U.S. personnel, facilities, and equipment.}}
The bases were theoretically under joint Spanish-U.S. sovereignty, but a secret protocol, revealed years later, allowed the U.S. to unilaterally decide their use "in the event of clear communist aggression threatening Western security" without notifying Spain. Nuclear weapons, including those on nuclear submarines, were stored at these bases—even at Torrejón Air Base, near Madrid.{{Sfn|Gil Pecharromán|2008|p=109}}{{Sfn|Moradiellos|2000|p=101}}
Consequences
{{Location map+|Spain|width=350
|caption=Map of shared-use bases
|places=
{{Location map~|Spain
|label=Rota
|lat_deg=36.64
|lon_deg=-6.33
|position=left}}
{{Location map~|Spain
|label=Torrejón
|lat_deg=40.47
|lon_deg=-3.44}}
{{Location map~|Spain
|label=Zaragoza
|lat_deg=41.66
|lon_deg=-1.02}}
{{Location map~|Spain
|label=Morón
|lat_deg=37.10
|lon_deg=-5.36
|position=right}}
{{Location map~|Spain
|label=Seville
|lat_deg=37.25
|lon_deg=-5.53
|position=top}}
}}
File:F-4E-41-MC-Phantom-68-0537-353TRS-401TFW-June1970.jpg (1970).]]
Over the first ten years of the agreements, which were later extended, five major U.S. military bases were established in Spain: four air bases (Morón Air Base, Zaragoza Air Base, Torrejón Air Base, and San Pablo Air Base) and one naval base (Naval Station Rota), along with smaller facilities like {{Interlanguage link|Air Surveillance Squadron|lt=Air Surveillance Squadrons|es|Escuadrón de Vigilancia Aérea}}. Around 7,000 U.S. military personnel and their families were stationed there.{{Sfn|Gil Pecharromán|2008|p=109}} U.S. presence extended to sites in Constantina,{{Cite web |title=Escuadrón de Vigilancia Aérea nº3 (EVA 3) y Acuartelamiento Aéreo Constantina |trans-title=Air Surveillance Squadron No. 3 (EVA 3) and Constantina Air Barracks |url=https://ejercitodelaire.defensa.gob.es/EA/ejercitodelaire/es/organizacion/unidades/unidad/Escuadron-de-Vigilancia-Aerea-n3-EVA-3-y-Acuartelamiento-Aereo-Constantina/ |access-date=June 28, 2022 |publisher=Spanish Air Force, Ministry of Defense of Spain |language=es}} El Frasno,{{Cite web |title=Escuadrón de Vigilancia Aérea nº1 (EVA 1) y Acuartelamiento Aéreo El Frasno |trans-title=Air Surveillance Squadron No. 1 (EVA 1) and El Frasno Air Barracks |url=https://ejercitodelaire.defensa.gob.es/EA/ejercitodelaire/es/organizacion/unidades/unidad/Escuadron-de-Vigilancia-Aerea-n1-EVA-1-y-Acuartelamiento-Aereo-El-Frasno/ |access-date=June 28, 2022 |publisher=Spanish Air Force, Ministry of Defense of Spain |language=es}} Villatobas,{{Cite web |title=Escuadrón de Vigilancia Aérea nº2 (EVA 2) y Acuartelamiento Aéreo Villatobas |trans-title=Air Surveillance Squadron No. 2 (EVA 2) and Villatobas Air Barracks |url=https://ejercitodelaire.defensa.gob.es/EA/ejercitodelaire/es/organizacion/unidades/unidad/Escuadron-de-Vigilancia-Aerea-n2-EVA-2-y-Acuartelamiento-Aereo-Villatobas/ |access-date=June 28, 2022 |publisher=Spanish Air Force, Ministry of Defense of Spain |language=es}} Sonseca,{{Cite news |date=April 16, 1985 |title=El PSOE pide que se desmantele la base norteamericana de Sonseca |trans-title=PSOE Calls for Dismantling of U.S. Base in Sonseca |url=https://elpais.com/diario/1985/04/16/espana/482450422_850215.html |newspaper=El País |language=es}} Roses,{{Cite web |title=Escuadrón de Vigilancia Aérea nº4 (EVA 4) y Acuartelamiento Aéreo Rosas |trans-title=Air Surveillance Squadron No. 4 (EVA 4) and Roses Air Barracks |url=https://ejercitodelaire.defensa.gob.es/EA/ejercitodelaire/es/organizacion/unidades/unidad/Escuadron-de-Vigilancia-Aerea-n4-EVA-4-y-Acuartelamiento-Aereo-Rosas/ |access-date=June 28, 2022 |publisher=Spanish Air Force, Ministry of Defense of Spain |language=es}} L’Estartit,{{Cite news |date=February 14, 2019 |title=La antigua base militar americana que no encuentra comprador |trans-title=The Former U.S. Military Base That Can’t Find a Buyer |url=https://www.lavanguardia.com/local/girona/20190214/46194991075/antigua-base-militar-abandonada-parque-natural-montgri-estartit.html |newspaper=La Vanguardia |language=es}} Alcoy,{{Cite news |date=July 17, 2017 |title=Alcoy despeja el camino para dar uso público a una antigua colonia militar |trans-title=Alcoy Clears Path to Give Public Use to Former Military Colony |url=https://alicanteplaza.es/alcoy-despeja-el-camino-para-dar-uso-publico-a-una-antigua-colonia-militar |newspaper=Alicante Plaza |language=es}} Elizondo,{{Cite news |date=August 28, 2013 |title=La base americana de Baztan |trans-title=The U.S. Base in Baztan |url=https://www.diariovasco.com/v/20130828/bidasoa/base-americana-baztan-20130828.html?ref=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.google.com%2F |newspaper=Diario Vasco |language=es}} Sóller,{{Cite news |date=February 28, 2014 |title=Los secretos del Puig Major |trans-title=Secrets of Puig Major |url=https://www.diariodemallorca.es/ocio/2014/02/28/secretos-puig-major-3848740.html |newspaper=Diario de Mallorca |language=es}} and Mañón.{{Cite news |date=August 16, 2019 |title=Mañón compra la vieja base americana de Estaca de Bares |trans-title=Mañón Buys the Old U.S. Base at Estaca de Bares |url=https://www.lavozdegalicia.es/noticia/galicia/2019/02/01/manon-compra-vieja-base-americana-estaca-bares/00031549042542477963471.htm |newspaper=La Voz de Galicia |language=es}}
Between 1953 and 1963, Spain received over $1.5 billion in U.S. economic aid, primarily loans managed by the Export-Import Bank to purchase U.S. goods like food, cotton, and coal. Military aid totaled $456 million in second-hand equipment, modernizing the Spanish Armed Forces, which still relied on Italian and German weapons from the Spanish Civil War. However, the U.S. restricted their use to defensive purposes.
From 1954 to 1961, military aid amounted to $500 million in grants. Between 1962 and 1982, an additional $1.238 billion was provided—$727 million in loans and $511 million in grants. From 1983 to 1986, aid averaged $400 million annually in concessional credit sales, dropping to just over $100 million annually in 1987 and 1988, with plans to phase it out by 1989 as Spain grew more self-sufficient. Over 200 Spanish officers and NCOs received annual training in the U.S. under a parallel program.
Geostrategically, Spain joined the Western defense system but was excluded from decision-making, barred from NATO—founded in 1949—due to European members’ opposition to Franco’s dictatorship and its Axis ties. Spain thus became "a strategic satellite rather than a formal ally of the United States."{{Sfn|Moradiellos|2000|pp=100-101}}{{Sfn|Gil Pecharromán|2008|p=108}} The U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff saw these bases as vital for an orderly retreat from Central Europe in case of a Soviet attack.Embracing a Dictatorship, Dr. Boris N. Liedtke, Palgrave Macmillan, 1998
The pacts’ primary benefit was political, ending the international isolation Franco’s regime had faced since 1945. However, Julio Gil Pecharromán notes that Spanish politicians and military soon felt treated as junior partners, receiving "little more than crumbs" of aid, yet the National Movement had no choice but to rely on this powerful protector to maintain power.{{Sfn|Gil Pecharromán|2008|pp=109-110}} Stanley G. Payne agrees: "This relationship undoubtedly bolstered the regime’s image at home and abroad. Martín Artajo claimed it validated Franco’s stance from the start. Yet, there was significant domestic opposition—though stifled—viewing it as asymmetrical and risking Spain’s involvement in U.S.-led conflicts."{{Sfn|Payne|1997|p=109}}
= Impact on the Spanish Armed Forces =
{{Main|Spanish Armed Forces during the period of Francoism}}
{{Multiple image
| perrow = 2
| total_width = 300
| header = Examples of military equipment supplied by the U.S. to Spain
| image1 = C-16. Tte.Cnel Rovira en carro 001.JPG
| image2 = Spanish M48 Patton tank CRISEX 83 NATO exercise.jpg
| image3 = Spanish destroyer Lepanto (D-21) underway at sea, circa in the 1970s.jpg
| image4 = Spanish aircraft carrier Dédalo (R01) underway in the Mediterranean Sea, 1 June 1988 (6430233).jpg
| image5 = León NCOs academy C.5-1 F-86F-25-NH Sabre Preserved parade ground (2941637556).jpg
| image6 = Lockheed TF-104G cn 5524 62-12279 Spanish AF c65 (via RJF) (17110671856).jpg
| footer = Top: M47 Patton and M48 Patton tanks
Middle: Lepanto-class frigate and aircraft carrier Dédalo
Bottom: F-86 Sabre and Lockheed F-104 Starfighter fighters.
}}
Below is a summary of equipment provided by the U.S. under the 1953 agreements and subsequent deals:
== Impact on the Army ==
{{See also|Spanish Army}}
Delivery of M47 Patton, M48 Patton, M24 Chaffee, and M41 Walker Bulldog tanks; M-1A3 cannons; M101, M114, and M37 howitzers; M3 half-tracks; and M4 vehicles.
== Impact on the Navy ==
{{See also|Spanish Navy|List of retired Spanish Navy ships}}
Modernization of Audaz-class and {{Interlanguage link|Liniers-class destroyer|lt=Liniers-class|es|Clase Liniers}} destroyers, Pizarro-class frigates, {{Interlanguage link|D-class (1947)|lt=D-class|es|Clase D (1947)}} submarines, and smaller vessels (torpedo boats, minelayers, gunboats, minesweepers). Later deliveries included the aircraft carrier Dédalo, Lepanto-class and Churruca-class destroyers, Balao-class submarines, and additional smaller craft.[https://www.larazon.es/espana/defensa/estos-son-todos-buques-guerra-que-estados-unidos-entrego-espana-pactos-madrid-1953_202310016519b1c91fb4a600013f4c26.html
== Impact on the Air Force ==
{{See also|Spanish Air and Space Force}}
Delivery of F-86 Sabre fighters, Lockheed T-33 trainers, T-6 Texan propeller trainers, DC-3 and DC-4 transport aircraft, and Grumman Albatross patrol and rescue planes. Later additions included Lockheed F-104 Starfighter and F-4 Phantom II fighters, Caribou and C-97 Stratofreighter transports, Boeing KC-97 Stratotanker tankers, and Bell 47 and UH-1 Iroquois helicopters.
See also
References
{{Reflist|2}}
Bibliography
- {{Cite book |last=Gil Pecharromán |first=Julio |author-link=Julio Gil Pecharromán |title=Con permiso de la autoridad. La España de Franco (1939-1975) |year=2008 |publisher=Temas de Hoy |location=Madrid |language=es |trans-title=With the Authority’s Permission: Franco’s Spain (1939-1975) |isbn=978-84-8460-693-2}}
- {{Cite book |last=Moradiellos |first=Enrique |author-link=Enrique Moradiellos |title=La España de Franco (1939-1975). Política y sociedad |url=https://archive.org/details/laespanadefranco0000mora |year=2000 |publisher=Síntesis |location=Madrid |language=es |trans-title=Franco’s Spain (1939-1975): Politics and Society |isbn=84-7738-740-0}}
- {{Cite book |last=Payne |first=Stanley G. |author-link=Stanley G. Payne |title=El primer franquismo. Los años de la autarquía |year=1997 |publisher=Historia 16-Temas de Hoy |location=Madrid |language=es |trans-title=The First Francoism: The Autarky Years |isbn=84-7679-325-1}}
External links
- [https://web.archive.org/web/20161112212234/http://photos.state.gov/libraries/spain/164311/tratados_bilaterales_2013/Defense_TIAS_2849.pdf Mutual Defense Assistance Agreement with Tax Relief Annex and Interpretative Note in Regard to Tax Relief Annex, Signed at Madrid September 26, 1953] Full text of the 1953 Mutual Defense Treaty in English and Spanish.
- [http://www.historia-actual.org/Publicaciones/index.php/haol/article/viewFile/177/165 Rosario Piñeiro (2006), The 1953 Spanish-American Agreements] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140415033221/http://www.historia-actual.org/Publicaciones/index.php/haol/article/viewFile/177/165}}.
- [http://dialnet.unirioja.es/servlet/articulo?codigo=3314210 Juan Escrigas Rodríguez (2010), The Madrid Pacts and the Transfer of Doctrine to the Armed Forces] (in Spanish).
{{Cold War}}{{Authority control}}
Category:20th century in Spain
Category:Spain–United States relations
Category:Treaties concluded in 1953
Category:Treaties entered into force in 1953
Category:Treaties of the United States