Proto-Hmongic language

{{short description|Reconstructed ancestor of the Hmongic languages}}

{{Infobox proto-language

| name = Proto-Hmongic

| altname = Proto-Miao

| familycolor = Hmong-Mien

| ancestor = Proto-Hmong–Mien

| target = Hmongic languages

}}

Proto-Hmongic or Proto-Miao ({{lang-zh|原始苗语}}) is the reconstructed ancestor of the Hmongic languages.

Reconstructions

In China, the first comprehensive reconstruction of Proto-Hmongic (Proto-Miao) was undertaken by Wang Fushi (1979).Wang, Fushi. 1979. Miaoyu fangyan sheng yun mu bijiao 苗语方言声韵母比较 [The comparison of the initials and finals of the Miao dialects]. Unpublished manuscript. Beijing. Wang's 1979 manuscript was subsequently revised and published as Wang (1994).Wang, Fushi 王輔世. 1994. Miaoyu guyin gouni 苗语古音構擬 / Reconstruction of Proto-Miao Language. Tokyo: Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, Research Institute for Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa (ILCAA) / Ajia Afurika Gengo Bunka Kenkyūjo 國立亞非語言文化硏究所.

Ratliff (2010) includes reconstructions of Proto-Hmong–Mien, Proto-Hmongic, and Proto-Mienic.{{cite book |last=Ratliff |first=Martha |author-link=Martha Ratliff |year=2010 |title=Hmong–Mien language history |location=Canberra, Australia |publisher=Pacific Linguistics |isbn=978-0-85883-615-0 |hdl=1885/146760 |hdl-access=free |ref=none}}

Phonological development

=Rimes=

Below are some rime mergers in Proto-Hmongic, in which the first part of the Proto-Hmong-Mien rime is preserved.

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! Proto-Hmong-Mien !! Proto-Hmongic

*ɛj, *u̯̯ɛj*u̯ɛ
*ei, *æi, *u̯ei, *u̯əi*u̯ei
*əj, *aj, *u̯əj*u̯a
*i, *i̯æn, *i̯əu, *i̯ɛk*i
*ɨ, *i̯eu, *eu, *ik, *ek
*æu, *əu, *au, *ɔu*æw
*uj, *up, *ut, *uk, *u̯ɛt, *u̯ɛk*uw
*e, *ej, *ep, *et*e

On the other hand, Proto-Hmongic retains some Proto-Hmong-Mien rime distinctions, whereas Proto-Mienic has merged the rimes.

class="wikitable"

! Proto-Hmongic !! Proto-Hmong-Mien !! Proto-Mienic

*u̯ɛ*ɛj*ai
*u̯a*aj*ai
*i*i̯æn*æn
*æn*æn*æn
*æw*əu*əu
*o*əw*əu
*æw*au*au
*æw*au
*æw*uw*u
*o*u̯o*u
*u*u*u
*uw*ut*ut
*ow*əut*ut
*uw*uk*ok
*ow*ok*ok
*in*i̯əŋ*i̯əŋ
*aŋ*i̯aŋ*i̯əŋ
*en*eŋ*eŋ
*ɔŋ*u̯eŋ*eŋ
*əŋ*əŋ*u̯əŋ
*ɔŋ*u̯ɔŋ*u̯əŋ
*əŋ*əuŋ*uŋ
*oŋ*uŋ*uŋ
*əŋ*əaŋ*aŋ
*aŋ*aŋ*aŋ
*ɛŋ*ɛŋ*əŋ
*ɔŋ*u̯əŋ*əŋ

=Final stops=

The Proto-Hmongic tonal category C is derived from Proto-Hmong–Mien final *-k, while tonal category D in Proto-Hmongic is derived from Proto-Hmong–Mien finals *-p and *-t. Below are some examples of Proto-Hmongic tone C corresponding to Proto-Mienic tone D and Proto-Hmong-Mien final *-k.

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! Gloss !! Proto-Hmong-Mien !! Proto-Hmongic !! Proto-Mienic

bird*m-nɔk*m-nɔŋC*nɔkD
guest (MC khæk {{linktext|客}})*Khæk*qhæC*khækD
hundred (MC pæk {{linktext|百}})*pæk*pæC*pækD
strength (OC *kə.rək {{linktext|力}})*-rək*-roC*khləkD
six (PTB *k-ruk)*kruk*kruwC*krokD

Although Proto-Hmongic does not have explicitly reconstructed final stops (i.e., *-p, *-t, *-k), Pa-Hng and Qo Xiong have vowel quality distinctions that correspond to whether the Proto-Hmong-Mien rime was open or closed. For example:

class="wikitable"

! Proto-Hmong-Mien !! Pa-Hng (Baiyun) !! Qo Xiong (Jiwei)

*ate, iei, i
*aaɑ
*əp, *ət, *u̯əta
*o, *u̯o, *əw, *i̯ouo

Qo Xiong has -u for words developed from Proto-Hmong-Mien forms with closed rimes, while Qo Xiong words developed from Proto-Hmong-Mien forms with open rimes have -ə.

class="wikitable"

! Proto-Hmong-Mien !! Qo Xiong

tone 7 (< *-p, *-t, *-k)u
tones 1; 3, 4 (< *-X); 5, 6 (< *-H)ə

=Final nasals=

Ratliff (2010) reconstructions only one final nasal for Proto-Hmongic. *-n/*-ŋ are in complementary distribution with each other, with *-n occurring after front vowels. Other than as *-ŋ, the Proto-Hmongic final nasal can alternatively be reconstructed as a single *-N.

Taguchi (2022) proposes that nasal codas in open rimes in Proto-Hmongic are historically derived from nasal initial consonants.Taguchi, Yoshihisa. (2022) Nasal transfer in Hmongic. Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 45/1:72-92.

=Proposed onset velarization=

Ostapirat (2016) proposes velarized initials in Proto-Hmongic, which are not reconstructed by Ratliff (2010) and others. Qo Xiong retains distinct initial reflexes for forms developed from Proto-Hmongic *m.l-{{efn|*m.- is a sesquisyllable.}} (> Qo Xiong n-) versus *m.lˠ- (> Qo Xiong mj-).Ostapirat, Weera. 2016. [http://www.ling.sinica.edu.tw/Files/LL/Docments/Journals/17.1/17.1.6.pdf Issues in the Reconstruction and Affiliation of Proto-Miao-Yao] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20191113104046/http://www.ling.sinica.edu.tw/Files/LL/Docments/Journals/17.1/17.1.6.pdf |date=2019-11-13 }}. Language and Linguistics 17(1) 133–145. {{doi|10.1177/1606822X15614522}}

class="wikitable"

! Gloss !! Proto-Hmongic !! Qo Xiong (Jiwei) !! Hmu (Yanghao) !! Mashan Miao (Zongdi)

rice plant*m.l-namplæ
glutinous*m.l-numplu
tongue*m.lˠ-mjɑɲimple
smooth*m.lˠ-mjɛmplein

=Initial velar and uvular consonants=

Taguchi (2023) also suggests that Ratliff's (2010) Proto-Hmongic *k- and *q- are in fact secondary developments from Proto-Hmong–Mien *kr- and *k-, respectively.Taguchi, Yoshihisa. 2023. Toward a new reconstruction of Proto-Hmong-Mien. 26th Himalayan Languages Symposium, 4-6 September 2023. Paris: INALCO. Ostapirat (2016) also revises Ratliff's uvulars (*q-, etc.) as velars (*k-, etc.).

Irregular correspondences with Proto-Mienic

Some Proto-Hmongic and Proto-Mienic forms are cognate with each other, but a precise Proto-Hmong-Mien form cannot be easily reconstructed due to mismatches between the tonal categories, rimes, or onsets. Some examples of irregular correspondences between Proto-Hmongic and Proto-Mienic:

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! Gloss !! Proto-Hmong-Mien !! Proto-Hmongic !! Proto-Mienic

to eat*nuŋA*ɲənC
finger*ntaB*ʔdokD
crossbow(*hnək)*hnænB*hnəkD
{{gcl|3SG}} (he/she/it)*ni̯æn(X)*niB*nænA
to go*n-mʉŋ(X)*n-mʉŋB*n-mɨŋA

See also

Notes

{{notelist}}

References

{{Reflist}}

{{Hmong-Mien languages}}

Hmongic

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