Proto-Hmongic language
{{short description|Reconstructed ancestor of the Hmongic languages}}
{{Infobox proto-language
| name = Proto-Hmongic
| altname = Proto-Miao
| familycolor = Hmong-Mien
| ancestor = Proto-Hmong–Mien
| target = Hmongic languages
}}
Proto-Hmongic or Proto-Miao ({{lang-zh|原始苗语}}) is the reconstructed ancestor of the Hmongic languages.
Reconstructions
In China, the first comprehensive reconstruction of Proto-Hmongic (Proto-Miao) was undertaken by Wang Fushi (1979).Wang, Fushi. 1979. Miaoyu fangyan sheng yun mu bijiao 苗语方言声韵母比较 [The comparison of the initials and finals of the Miao dialects]. Unpublished manuscript. Beijing. Wang's 1979 manuscript was subsequently revised and published as Wang (1994).Wang, Fushi 王輔世. 1994. Miaoyu guyin gouni 苗语古音構擬 / Reconstruction of Proto-Miao Language. Tokyo: Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, Research Institute for Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa (ILCAA) / Ajia Afurika Gengo Bunka Kenkyūjo 國立亞非語言文化硏究所.
Ratliff (2010) includes reconstructions of Proto-Hmong–Mien, Proto-Hmongic, and Proto-Mienic.{{cite book |last=Ratliff |first=Martha |author-link=Martha Ratliff |year=2010 |title=Hmong–Mien language history |location=Canberra, Australia |publisher=Pacific Linguistics |isbn=978-0-85883-615-0 |hdl=1885/146760 |hdl-access=free |ref=none}}
Phonological development
=Rimes=
Below are some rime mergers in Proto-Hmongic, in which the first part of the Proto-Hmong-Mien rime is preserved.
class="wikitable"
! Proto-Hmong-Mien !! Proto-Hmongic | |
*ɛj, *u̯̯ɛj | *u̯ɛ |
*ei, *æi, *u̯ei, *u̯əi | *u̯ei |
*əj, *aj, *u̯əj | *u̯a |
*i, *i̯æn, *i̯əu, *i̯ɛk | *i |
*ɨ, *i̯eu, *eu, *ik, *ek | *ɨ |
*æu, *əu, *au, *ɔu | *æw |
*uj, *up, *ut, *uk, *u̯ɛt, *u̯ɛk | *uw |
*e, *ej, *ep, *et | *e |
On the other hand, Proto-Hmongic retains some Proto-Hmong-Mien rime distinctions, whereas Proto-Mienic has merged the rimes.
class="wikitable"
! Proto-Hmongic !! Proto-Hmong-Mien !! Proto-Mienic | ||
*u̯ɛ | *ɛj | *ai |
*u̯a | *aj | *ai |
*i | *i̯æn | *æn |
*æn | *æn | *æn |
*æw | *əu | *əu |
*o | *əw | *əu |
*æw | *au | *au |
*æ | *æw | *au |
*æw | *uw | *u |
*o | *u̯o | *u |
*u | *u | *u |
*uw | *ut | *ut |
*ow | *əut | *ut |
*uw | *uk | *ok |
*ow | *ok | *ok |
*in | *i̯əŋ | *i̯əŋ |
*aŋ | *i̯aŋ | *i̯əŋ |
*en | *eŋ | *eŋ |
*ɔŋ | *u̯eŋ | *eŋ |
*əŋ | *əŋ | *u̯əŋ |
*ɔŋ | *u̯ɔŋ | *u̯əŋ |
*əŋ | *əuŋ | *uŋ |
*oŋ | *uŋ | *uŋ |
*əŋ | *əaŋ | *aŋ |
*aŋ | *aŋ | *aŋ |
*ɛŋ | *ɛŋ | *əŋ |
*ɔŋ | *u̯əŋ | *əŋ |
=Final stops=
The Proto-Hmongic tonal category C is derived from Proto-Hmong–Mien final *-k, while tonal category D in Proto-Hmongic is derived from Proto-Hmong–Mien finals *-p and *-t. Below are some examples of Proto-Hmongic tone C corresponding to Proto-Mienic tone D and Proto-Hmong-Mien final *-k.
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! Gloss !! Proto-Hmong-Mien !! Proto-Hmongic !! Proto-Mienic | |||
bird | *m-nɔk | *m-nɔŋC | *nɔkD |
guest (MC khæk {{linktext|客}}) | *Khæk | *qhæC | *khækD |
hundred (MC pæk {{linktext|百}}) | *pæk | *pæC | *pækD |
strength (OC *kə.rək {{linktext|力}}) | *-rək | *-roC | *khləkD |
six (PTB *k-ruk) | *kruk | *kruwC | *krokD |
Although Proto-Hmongic does not have explicitly reconstructed final stops (i.e., *-p, *-t, *-k), Pa-Hng and Qo Xiong have vowel quality distinctions that correspond to whether the Proto-Hmong-Mien rime was open or closed. For example:
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! Proto-Hmong-Mien !! Pa-Hng (Baiyun) !! Qo Xiong (Jiwei) | ||
*at | e, i | ei, i |
*a | a | ɑ |
*əp, *ət, *u̯ət | a | |
*o, *u̯o, *əw, *i̯ou | o |
Qo Xiong has -u for words developed from Proto-Hmong-Mien forms with closed rimes, while Qo Xiong words developed from Proto-Hmong-Mien forms with open rimes have -ə.
class="wikitable"
! Proto-Hmong-Mien !! Qo Xiong | |
tone 7 (< *-p, *-t, *-k) | u |
tones 1; 3, 4 (< *-X); 5, 6 (< *-H) | ə |
=Final nasals=
Ratliff (2010) reconstructions only one final nasal for Proto-Hmongic. *-n/*-ŋ are in complementary distribution with each other, with *-n occurring after front vowels. Other than as *-ŋ, the Proto-Hmongic final nasal can alternatively be reconstructed as a single *-N.
Taguchi (2022) proposes that nasal codas in open rimes in Proto-Hmongic are historically derived from nasal initial consonants.Taguchi, Yoshihisa. (2022) Nasal transfer in Hmongic. Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 45/1:72-92.
=Proposed onset velarization=
Ostapirat (2016) proposes velarized initials in Proto-Hmongic, which are not reconstructed by Ratliff (2010) and others. Qo Xiong retains distinct initial reflexes for forms developed from Proto-Hmongic *m.l-{{efn|*m.- is a sesquisyllable.}} (> Qo Xiong n-) versus *m.lˠ- (> Qo Xiong mj-).Ostapirat, Weera. 2016. [http://www.ling.sinica.edu.tw/Files/LL/Docments/Journals/17.1/17.1.6.pdf Issues in the Reconstruction and Affiliation of Proto-Miao-Yao] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20191113104046/http://www.ling.sinica.edu.tw/Files/LL/Docments/Journals/17.1/17.1.6.pdf |date=2019-11-13 }}. Language and Linguistics 17(1) 133–145. {{doi|10.1177/1606822X15614522}}
class="wikitable"
! Gloss !! Proto-Hmongic !! Qo Xiong (Jiwei) !! Hmu (Yanghao) !! Mashan Miao (Zongdi) | ||||
rice plant | *m.l- | nɯ | na | mplæ |
glutinous | *m.l- | nu | nə | mplu |
tongue | *m.lˠ- | mjɑ | ɲi | mple |
smooth | *m.lˠ- | mjɛ | — | mplein |
=Initial velar and uvular consonants=
Taguchi (2023) also suggests that Ratliff's (2010) Proto-Hmongic *k- and *q- are in fact secondary developments from Proto-Hmong–Mien *kr- and *k-, respectively.Taguchi, Yoshihisa. 2023. Toward a new reconstruction of Proto-Hmong-Mien. 26th Himalayan Languages Symposium, 4-6 September 2023. Paris: INALCO. Ostapirat (2016) also revises Ratliff's uvulars (*q-, etc.) as velars (*k-, etc.).
Irregular correspondences with Proto-Mienic
Some Proto-Hmongic and Proto-Mienic forms are cognate with each other, but a precise Proto-Hmong-Mien form cannot be easily reconstructed due to mismatches between the tonal categories, rimes, or onsets. Some examples of irregular correspondences between Proto-Hmongic and Proto-Mienic:
class="wikitable"
! Gloss !! Proto-Hmong-Mien !! Proto-Hmongic !! Proto-Mienic | |||
to eat | – | *nuŋA | *ɲənC |
finger | – | *ntaB | *ʔdokD |
crossbow | (*hnək) | *hnænB | *hnəkD |
{{gcl|3SG}} (he/she/it) | *ni̯æn(X) | *niB | *nænA |
to go | *n-mʉŋ(X) | *n-mʉŋB | *n-mɨŋA |
See also
Notes
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