User:Spookyaki/sandbox

María Juana Francisca Gutiérrez Chávez was born on 27 January 1875 in San Juan del Río, Durango, Mexico. Her father, Santiago Gutiérrez Lomelí, was a day laborer skilled in various professions who migrated north before settling in Durango.{{sfn|Rubio|2020|p=15}} Historian Flor Vanessa Rubio speculates that he may have been a Protestant, as many northbound migrants were attracted to Protestantism and other "dissident congregations" such as Freemasonry.{{sfnm|1a1=Valles Salas|1y=2015|1p=227|2a1=Rubio|2y=2020|2p=13}} Her mother, Porfiria Chávez, was of Indigenous Caxcan ancestry, with family hailing from Juchipila, Zacatecas.{{sfn|Rubio|2020|p=14; 16}}

Gutiérrez was educated at a school on the {{lang|es|hacienda}} where her father worked. According to historian Susie Porter, her mother and father were initially reluctant to allow her to attend, but were convinced by the {{lang|es|hacienda}} owner, Don Felipe.{{sfn|Porter|2003|pp=105-106}} Historian Beatriz Elena Valles Salas also theorizes that her father's Protestant faith may have encouraged him to support her education.{{sfn|Valles Salas|2015|p=227}} In 1888 or 1889, the family moved to the city of Durango to work on the estate of the wealthy López Negrete family. Gutiérrez worked as a maid during this time.{{sfn|Rubio|2020|p=15}}

Gutiérrez married Cirilo Mendoza, an illiterate coal miner, at the age of 17 in 1892. Later, the family moved to Sierra Mojada, Coahuila.{{sfn|Villaneda|1994|p=19}} There, Mendoza worked as a mineral scraper in the La Esmeralda mine, while Gutiérrez sewed clothes for the mine workers, maintained a herd of goats, and bought shares in the mine to supplement the family's income. Gutiérrez and Mendoza had three children: Santiago, who died as an infant, Julia, and Laura.{{sfnm|1a1=Devereaux Ramírez|1y=2015|1p=137|2a1=Rubio|2y=2020|2p=15}} According to some sources, Mendoza died from alcohol poisoning while the couple resided in Sierra Mojada, though the actual date remains unclear.{{refn|group=lower-alpha|While various sources, including Villaneda, Porter, and Devereaux Ramírez, indicate that Mendoza died some time in the late 19th century, before Gutiérrez became a journalist, Rubio claims that his obituary was published in {{lang|es|Vésper}} in 1909, indicating that he actually died then.{{sfnm|1a1=Villaneda|1y=1994|1p=19|2a1=Porter|2y=2003|2p=107|3a1=Devereaux Ramírez|3y=2015|3p=137|4a1=Rubio|4y=2020|4p=155}}}}{{sfnm|1a1=Villaneda|1y=1994|1p=19|2a1=Porter|2y=2003|2p=107|3a1=Devereaux Ramírez|3y=2015|3p=137|4a1=Rubio|4y=2020|4p=155}}

While living in Sierra Mojada, Gutiérrez began working as a journalist, writing for the newspapers {{lang|es|El Diario del Hogar}} ({{translation}} 'The Home Journal'), {{lang|es|El Hijo del Ahuizote}} ({{translation}} 'The Son of Ahuizotl'), and {{lang|es|Chinaco}},{{refn|group=lower-alpha|Refers to liberal guerilla forces that fought during the Reform War and the Second French intervention in Mexico.{{sfn|Moreno|2020|p=1}}}} which all opposed the dictatorship of President Porfirio Díaz.{{sfnm|1a1=Villaneda|1y=1994|1p=20|2a1=Rubio|2y=2020|2p=16}} Díaz's regime, which lasted for over three decades, was marked by industrialization and modernization, as well as economic inequality, intensified policing, increased government surveillance, and an enlarged prison system.{{cite encyclopedia |last=Overmyer-Velázquez |first=Mark |date=2008 |title=Porfiriato |url=https://www.oxfordreference.com/display/10.1093/acref/9780195176322.001.0001/acref-9780195176322-e-1269 |encyclopedia=The Oxford Encyclopedia of the Modern World |location=Oxford |publisher=Oxford University Press |access-date=3 February 2025}} In 1897, Gutiérrez wrote an article titled "Abusos en la Esmeralda" ({{translation}} 'Abuses in La Esmeralda'), which detailed the treatment of workers at the mine.{{sfn|Rubio|2020|p=16}} Because of this report, she was imprisoned for a year in the town of Minas Nuevas.{{sfn|Valles Salas|2015|p=228}}

Gutiérrez's imprisonment increased her antipathy toward the Díaz regime.{{sfn|Javien|2005|p=3}} Between 1898 and 1901, she began to affiliate with various liberal groups. She joined the anti-Díaz Benito Juárez Liberal Club in 1898.{{refn|group=lower-alpha|According to Valles, she also founded the club.{{sfn|Valles Salas|2015|p=229}}}} Between 1900 and 1902, she also joined the Ponciano Arriaga Liberal Club, the Ignacio Zaragoza Liberal Club, and the Mexican Liberal Party. She associated regularly with liberal political figures such as Antonio Díaz Soto y Gama, Librado Rivera, Dolores Jiménez y Muro, and the brothers Enrique, Jesús, and Ricardo Flores Magón.{{sfn|Rubio|2020|p=18}}

In 1901, Gutiérrez moved to the city of Guanajuato and began publishing the periodcal {{lang|es|Vésper}} ({{translation}} 'Morning Star') in collaboration with Elisa Acuña.{{sfnm|1a1=Lucas|1y=2010|1pp=44-45|2a1=Rubio|2y=2020|2p=19}} The periodical's motto was "{{lang|es|Justicia y libertad}}" ({{translation}} 'Justice and liberty'). {{lang|es|Vésper}} was financed partially by the Ponciano Arriaga Liberal Club and, according to Gutiérrez, partially by the sale of her goats.{{sfnm|1a1=Valles Salas|1y=2015|1pp=229-230|2a1=Rubio|2y=2020|2pp=18-19}} In addition to criticizing the clergy and the Díaz regime in {{lang|es|Vésper}}, Gutiérrez also published a Spanish-language translation of Peter Kropotkin's The Conquest of Bread. Gutiérrez's criticism of the Guanajuato clergy in {{lang|es|Vésper}} led the local archbishop to seize her printing press in 1901. Subsequently, in 1902, she fled to Mexico City.{{sfn|Devereaux Ramírez|2015|pp=138-139}}

File:Belem Prison - Mexico (LOC).jpg

Gutiérrez was imprisoned again in 1903 due to pieces critical of the Díaz regime published in {{lang|es|Vésper}}.{{sfn|Devereaux Ramírez|2015|p=139}} She was sent to Belem Prison, a men's facility generally used to confine prisoners before their trials, where she continued to write for {{lang|es|Vésper}}.{{sfnm|1a1=Luna Alvarado|1a2=Pérez Ortiz|1y=2011|1p=101|2a1=Devereaux Ramírez|2y=2015|2p=142|3a1=Rubio|3y=2020|3p=19}} In exchange for her release, she was exiled to Laredo, Texas in 1904 with Acuña.{{sfnm|1a1=Devereaux Ramírez|1y=2015|1p=143|2a1=Valles Salas|2y=2015|2pp=232-233}} She stayed with journalist Sara Estela Ramírez and joined an existing community of exiled dissidents in Laredo, including Ricardo Flores Magón.{{sfn|Devereaux Ramírez|2015|pp=142-143}}

While in Laredo, Gutiérrez continued to advocate for the rights of mine laborers and wrote for Ricardo's newspaper, {{lang|es|Regeneración}} ({{translation}} 'Regeneration), as well as {{lang|es|Vésper}} and {{lang|es|La Protesta Nacional}}.{{sfnm|1a1=Devereaux Ramírez|1y=2015|1pp=143-144|2a1=Valles Salas|2y=2015|2p=233|3a1=Rubio|3y=2020|3p=20}} She also came into conflict with Ricardo, who accused her of being in a same-sex relationship with Acuña, characterizing their relationship as "putrid lesbianism". Meanwhile, Gutiérrez criticized the Flores Magón brothers for charging admission for their rallies and for their inflexible approach to socialist ideology, which she considered too Americanized and poorly suited to organizing in Mexico. As a result of this conflict, she returned to Mexico in 1905.{{sfn|Porter|2003|pp=110-111}}

File:AntireelecionistaPosadaDF.JPG on display at the {{lang|es|Museo Nacional de Arte}} in Mexico City]]

After returning, Gutiérrez continued writing for {{lang|es|Vésper}}.{{sfn|Valles Salas|2015|p=234}} She also wrote for the newspaper {{lang|es|La Corregidora}}, published by Sara Estela Ramírez; helped establish a new newspaper titled {{lang|es|El Partido Socialista}} ({{translation}} 'The Socialist Party'); and collaborated with Dolores Jiménez y Muro and others to form a union federation called {{lang|es|Socialismo Mexicano}} ({{translation}} 'Mexican Socialism').{{refn|group=lower-alpha|Various sources call this federation by other names. According to Valles, it was {{lang|es|Sindicalismo Mexicano}} ({{translation}} 'Mexican Syndicalism').{{sfn|Valles Salas|2015|p=234}} According to Rubio, it was called the {{lang|es|Organización de Socialistas Mexicanos}} ({{translation}} 'Organization of Mexican Socialists').{{sfn|Rubio|2020|p=20}}}}{{sfnm|1a1=Villaneda|1y=1994|1p=49|2a1=Porter|2y=2003|2p=111|3a1=Javien|3y=2005|3p=6|4a1=Devereaux Ramírez|4y=2015|4p=145}} In 1907, she published an interview with Francisco I. Madero in {{lang|es|El Partido Socialista}}.{{sfn|Devereaux Ramírez|2015|p=145}} At the time, Madero was deeply involved in organizing opposition to the Díaz regime, including through the publication of political newspapers such as {{lang|es|El Demócrata}} ('The Democrat') and the satirical {{lang|es|El Mosco}} ('The Mosquito'), the funding of other opposition papers, participation in anti-Díaz protests, and the creation in 1905 of a Liberal junta to oppose Díaz.{{sfn|Ross|2019|pp=34-44}} Because of this interview, Gutiérrez was once again temporarily detained in Belem Prison.{{sfn|Devereaux Ramírez|2015|p=145}}

In 1909, Gutiérrez helped to found the {{lang|es|Club Político Femenil Amigas del Pueblo}} ({{translation}} 'Friends of the People Women's Political Club') and the {{lang|es|Club Hijas de Cuauhtémoc}} ({{translation|Daughters of Cuauhtémoc Club}}). These groups sought to enhance increase women's political representation, advocating for the importance of women in Mexican society.{{sfn|Villaneda|1994|p=50}} She also continued to work with Madero, who was selected as the {{lang|es|Partido Nacional Antirreeleccionista}}'s ({{translation}} 'National Antireelectionist Party') candidate for president in April 1910.{{sfn|Ross|2019|pp=96-99}} The Antireelectionists opposed Díaz's bid for a seventh term as president.{{sfnm|1a1=Garner|1y=2018|1p=13|2a1=Ross|2y=2019|2pp=37-38}} They also advocated for civil rights guarantees and the expansion of public schooling.{{sfn|Ross|2019|pp=37-38}} Gutiérrez organized workers on Madero's behalf and wrote in support of his campaign in {{lang|es|Vésper}}:{{sfnm|1a1=Devereaux Ramírez|1y=2015|1pp=145-146|2a1=Rubio|2y=2020|2pp=20-21}} {{blockquote|We support Señor Madero’s candidacy until the victory replaces the efforts, until the victory hymn replaces the calls to war.{{sfn|Devereaux Ramírez|2015|p=145}}}}

File:Mexican revolution LCCN2002697939.jpg

Madero was arrested on 15 July 1910, allegedly for harboring a fugitive.{{sfn|Ross|2019|p=105}} While imprisoned, he called for the beginning of an armed rebellion against the Díaz regime to begin on 20 November.{{sfn|Ross|2019|p=119}} Fighting began on the appointed day in the state of Chihuahua, marking the beginning of the Mexican Revolution.{{sfnm|1a1=Beezley|1a2=MacLachlan|1y=2009|1p=11|2a1=Devereaux Ramírez|2y=2015|2p=147}} By early 1911, rebel forces had captured much of the state's countryside.{{sfn|Buchenau|2015|p=3}} On 16 March 1911, the Díaz government suspended individual liberties.{{sfn|Javien|2005|p=9}}

Gutiérrez, along with several others, conspired to seize control of a military installation in Tacubaya and arrest Díaz.{{sfnm|1a1=Javien|1y=2005|1p=9|2a1=Sánchez Amaro|2y=2014|2p=5|3a1=Valles Salas|3y=2015|3p=235|4a1=Rocha Islas|4y=2018|4p=219}} The group's plan called for recognition of Madero as provisional president, free voting, the federalization of education, increased wages for male and female laborers, protections for Indigenous people, redistribution of property seized by the Díaz regime, and the reorganization of municipalities.{{sfn|Javien|2005|p=9}} The plot was discovered on 27 March, and its leaders, including Gutiérrez, were arrested and jailed in Belem Prison.{{refn|group=lower-alpha|Some sources, including Villaneda and Devereaux Ramírez, claim that this occurred in 1910.{{sfnm|1a1=Villaneda|1y=1994|1p=55|2a1=Devereaux Ramírez|2y=2015|2p=148}} However, most other sources, including Javien, Sánchez Amaro, Valles Salas, and Rocha Islas, claim it took place in 1911.{{sfnm|1a1=Javien|1y=2005|1p=9|2a1=Sánchez Amaro|2y=2014|2p=5|3a1=Valles Salas|3y=2015|3p=235|4a1=Rocha Islas|4y=2018|4p=219}}}}{{sfnm|1a1=Javien|1y=2005|1p=9|2a1=Sánchez Amaro|2y=2014|2p=5|3a1=Valles Salas|3y=2015|3p=235|4a1=Rocha Islas|4y=2018|4p=219}}

Despite this setback, rebel forces took Ciudad Juárez in the First Battle of Ciudad Juárez in May. Soon after, Díaz and his vice president, Ramón Corral, resigned, and elections were called for October.{{sfn|Buchenau|2015|p=3}} Francisco León de la Barra, who was made interim president, declared a general amnesty for crimes related to the rebellion, resulting in Gutiérrez's release.{{sfn|Javien|2005|p=10}} Elections were held on schedule, with Madero securing a decisive majority. He ascended to the presidency in November.{{sfn|Ross|2019|p=216}}

File:Fuerzas_surianas_a_las_ordenes_de_Emiliano_Zapata.jpg in Morelos]]

In late October 1911, at the invitation of her friends, Gutiérrez and her children traveled to Cuautla, Morelos to assist the Liberation Army of the South, commonly referred to as the Zapatistas.{{sfn|Rubio|2020|p=25}} The Zapatistas, organized by Emiliano Zapata, called for the redistribution of land and wealth to the poor.{{sfn|Hart|2018|p=1}} After Madero's victory, the Zapatistas refused to disarm, frustrated with his unwillingness to prioritize land reform.{{sfn|Buchenau|2015|p=3}} Valles theorizes that Gutiérrez's decision to join the Zapatistas was motivated by a desire to reclaim her Indigenous heritage amidst the ongoing exploitation of Indigenous people in Morelos.{{sfn|Valles Salas|2015|p=235}} Under the Díaz regime, Indigenous lands across Mexico, once community-controlled, were transferred to {{lang|es|haciendas}}, leaving many Indigenous people trapped in a form of debt bondage.{{sfn|Bartra|Armando|2008|p=404}} While the role of Indigenous people in the Zapatista army of this time is debated, many {{lang|es|mestizo}} peasants in central Mexico identified as indigenous, Zapata maintained communication with Indigenous groups, and there is some evidence of direct Indigenous representation in the Zapatista army.{{sfn|Portilla|2021|pp=42-43; 47-49}}

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