taurobolium
{{short description|Practice of a ritual sacrifice of a bull}}
{{Italic title}}
File:Autel-Lyon-CIL-XIII-1751.jpg and a sacrificial knife, with a dedicationCorpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, {{CIL|13|1751}}. to the Great Idaean Mother of the Gods, from Lugdunum (Lyon)]]
In the Roman Empire of the second to fourth centuries, tauroboliumFranz Cumont derived the word from the epithet of Artemis Tauropolos (whom he identified with Persian Anahita, a connection no longer sustained); see Cumont, "Le Taurobole et le Culte de Bellone", Revue d'histoire et de littérature religieuses, 6.2, 1901. referred to practices involving the sacrifice of a bull, which after mid-second century became connected with the worship of the Great Mother of the Gods; though not previously limited to her cult, after AD 159 all private taurobolia inscriptions mention the Magna Mater.Rutter 2005: Rutter recognises three phases of the taurobolium, a first phase (c. 135–59) in which the ceremony was not linked to the cult of the Great Mother, a second expansive phase (c. 159–290) west of the Adriatic and a brief third phase (c. 376–390) confined to aristocratic pagan circles.
History
File:AutelTaurobolique-Lectoure-Aprilis.jpg (France)]]
Originating in Asia Minor,Rutter 1968, p. 227: "There can be no doubt that the taurobolium originated in Asia Minor" its earliest attested performance in Italy occurred in AD 134, at Puteoli, in honor of Venus Caelestis,Venus Caelestis, by interpretatio Romana, denoted Tanit, the goddess of Carthage; her cult statue had been brought to Rome after the destruction of Carthage, but was later returned. as documented by an inscription.{{CIL|10|1596}}; inscription quoted by Rutter 1968, p. 231.
The earliest inscriptions, of the second century in Asia Minor, point to a bull chase in which the animal was overcome, linked with a panegyris in honour of a deity or deities, but not an essentially religious ceremony, though a bull was sacrificed and its flesh distributed. The addition of the taurobolium and the institution of an archigallus{{Broken anchor|date=2024-08-02|bot=User:Cewbot/log/20201008/configuration|target_link=Galli#Archigallus|reason= The anchor (Archigallus) has been deleted.}} were innovations in the cult of the Magna Mater made by Antoninus Pius on the occasion of his vicennalia, the twentieth year of his reign, in 158 and 159.J. Beaujeu, La religion romaine à l'apogée de l'empire, (Paris) 1955, I. 313 ff, and P. Lambrechts, "Les fêtes 'phrygiennes' de Cybèle et d'Attis", Bulletin de l'Institut Historique Belge de Rome (1952) pp 141–70, both noted in Rutter 1968, p. 234 note 26. This was the moment when Attis first appeared on a Roman coin. The first dated reference to Magna Mater in a taurobolium inscription dates from 160. The vires, or testicles of the bull, were removed from Rome and dedicated at a taurobolium altar at Lugdunum, 27 November 160. Jeremy Rutter makes the suggestion that the bull's testicles substituted for the self-castration of devotees of Cybele, abhorrent to the Roman ethos.Rutter 1968, p. 235.
Public taurobolia, enlisting the benevolence of the Magna Mater on behalf of the emperor, became common in Italy, as well as in Gaul, Hispania and Africa. The last public taurobolium for which there is an inscription was carried out for Diocletian and Maximian at Mactar in Numidia at the close of the third century.
Description
The best-known and most vivid description, though of the quite different taurobolium as it was revived in aristocratic pagan circles, is the notorious one that has coloured early scholarship, which was provided in an anti-pagan poem by the late 4th-century Christian Prudentius in Peristephanon:X, Romanus contra gentiles, lines 1006–1085. the priest of the Great Mother, clad in a silk toga worn in the Gabinian cincture, with golden crown and fillets on his head, takes his place in a trench covered by a platform of planks pierced with fine holes, on which a bull, magnificent with flowers and gold, is slain. The blood rains through the platform onto the priest below, who receives it on his face, and even on his tongue and palate, and after the baptism presents himself before his fellow-worshippers purified and regenerated, and receives their salutations and reverence.{{sfn|Showerman|1911}} Prudentius does not explicitly mention the taurobolium, but the ceremony, in its new form, is unmistakable from other contemporaneous sources: "At Novaesium on the Rhine in Germania Inferior, a blood pit was found in what was probably a Metroon", Jeremy Rutter observes.
Recent scholarship has called into question the reliability of Prudentius' description. It is a late account by a Christian who was hostile to paganism, and may have distorted the rite for effect.{{Cite journal|url=https://bmcr.brynmawr.edu/2003/2003.02.32|title=Review of: Religions of the Hellenistic-Roman Age|journal=Bryn Mawr Classical Review}} Earlier inscriptions that mention the rite suggest a less gory and elaborate sacrificial rite. Therefore, Prudentius' description may be based on a late evolution of the taurobolium.Robert Duthoy, The Taurobolium, Leiden 1969.
Ritual
In the taurobolium ritual, the highpriest would stand in a pit. A bull would be led onto a platform above the pit and sacrificed by cutting its throat. The blood of the bull would pour down onto the priest, showering him in the blood. Afterward, the bull's testicles were removed and taken to the sanctuary as an offering. This ritual was performed as a replacement for the castration of high priests because the castration of Roman citizens was forbidden.
Purpose
File:Lyon-Autel-CIL-XIII-1756.jpg
The taurobolium in the second and third centuries was usually performed as a measure for the welfare (salus) of the emperor, Empire, or community;{{sfn|Showerman|1911}} H. OppermannOppermann, in RE 5A, (1934) s.v. "taurobolium". denies early reports that its date was frequently 24 March, the Dies Sanguinis ("Day of Blood") of the annual festival of the Great Mother Cybele and Attis; Oppermann reports that there were no taurobolia in late March. In the late third and the fourth centuries its usual motive was the purification or regeneration of an individual, who was spoken of as renatus in aeternum, "reborn for eternity", in consequence of the ceremony.{{CIL|6|510}}, {{CIL|6|511}}, {{CIL|6|512}}. While its efficacy was not eternal, its effect was considered to endure for twenty years,{{sfn|Showerman|1911}} as if the magic coating of the blood wore off after that time, the initiate having taken his vows for "the circle of twenty years" (bis deni orbis).{{cite book|last1=Burkert|first1=Walter|title=Ancient Mystery Cults|date=2001|publisher=Harvard University Press|location=Cambridge|isbn=0674033876|page=18}} It was also performed as the fulfilment of a vow (votum), or by command of the goddess herself, and the privilege was not limited by sex or class. In its fourth-century revival in high pagan circles, Rutter has observed, "We might even justifiably say that the taurobolium, rather than a rite effectual in itself was a symbol of paganism. It was a rite apparently forbidden by the Christian emperors and thus became a hallmark of the pagan nobility in their final struggle against Christianity and the Christian emperors."Rutter 1968, p. 242. The place of its performance at Rome was near the site of St Peter's, in the excavations of which several altars and inscriptions commemorative of taurobolia were discovered.{{sfn|Showerman|1911}}
A criobolium, substituting a ram for the bull, was also practiced, sometimes together with the taurobolium;.Rutter 1968, p. 226.
Modern interpretation
The classicist Grant Showerman, writing in the Encyclopædia Britannica Eleventh Edition suggested: "The taurobolium was probably a sacred drama symbolizing the relations of the Mother and Attis (q.v.). The descent of the priest into the sacrificial foss (pit) symbolized the death of Attis, the withering of the vegetation of Mother Earth; his bath of blood and emergence the restoration of Attis, the rebirth of vegetation. The ceremony may be the spiritualized descent of the primitive oriental practice of drinking or being baptized in the blood of an animal, based upon a belief that the strength of brute creation could be acquired by consumption of its substance or contact with its blood. In spite of the phrase renatus in aeternum, there is no reason to suppose that the ceremony was in any way borrowed from Christianity."{{sfn|Showerman|1911}}
See also
References
{{reflist}}
=Sources=
- Duthoy, Robert. The Taurobolium: Its Evolution and Terminology. (Leiden: E.J. Brill) 1969.
- Espérandieu, Émile. Inscriptions antiques de Lectoure (1892), pp. [http://www.persee.fr/doc/mefr_0223-4874_1892_num_12_1_6764 494] if.
- Hepding, Hugo. Attis, Seine Mythen und Sein Kult (Giessen, 1903), pp. 168 if., 201
- Showerman, Grant. "The Great Mother of the Gods", Bulletin of the University of Wisconsin, No. 43; Philology and Literature Series, 1.3 (1901).
- Rutter, Jeremy B. The Three Phases of the Taurobolium, Phoenix, Vol. 22, No. 3 (Autumn, 1968), pp. [https://www.jstor.org/stable/1086636 226-249], Classical Association of Canada (DOI: 10.2307/1086636)
- Zippel, Festschrift zum Doctorjubilaeum, Ludwig Friedländer, 1895, p. 489 f.
- {{EB1911|wstitle=Taurobolium|volume=26|page=455|first=Grant|last=Showerman|authorlink=Grant Showerman}}
Further reading
- {{Cite book|last=Vitas|first=Nadežda Gavrilović|url=|title=Ex Asia et Syria: Oriental Religions in the Roman Central Balkans|date=2021|publisher=Archaeopress Publishing Ltd|isbn=978-1-78969-914-2|pages=13–48|language=en|chapter=I Asia Minor Religionas and Cults - 1. Magna Mater}}
- Rodziewicz, Artur (2024). From Heaven to Earth: The Bull Sacrifice as a Tool for the Mithraisation of the Yezidis, International Journal of Yezidi Studies, vol. 1 (2024), pp. 161-239 (DOI: 10.32859/yezidistudies/1/6/161-239)
External links
- {{Commons category-inline|Taurobolium}}
Category:Roman animal sacrifice