:Joseph Glimco

Glimco was born Giuseppe Glielmi in Puglietta, a frazione of the town of Campagna in the Province of Salerno, Campania in Italy,{{cite web|url=https://franoi.com/professional-portfolio/attorney-joseph-glimco-iii/|quote=Joe’s grandfather was born Giuseppe Glielmi in 1909 in Puglietta, Italy, a small town in the Campagna region. He assumes that, like many of us, his family name was changed during the Ellis Island experience in 1913.|work=Fra Noi|date=August 17, 2014|access-date=April 6, 2020|last=Amari|first=Leonard F.|title=Attorney Joseph Glimco III}} in 1909, and emigrated to the United States with his family in 1913, settling in Chicago.{{cite news|title=Mob Menace in Chicago|work=Chicago Tribune|date=August 30, 1954}}{{cite news|title=Union Terrorist Rule Charged to Gangster|work=Chicago Tribune|date=October 8, 1954}}{{cite news|work=The New York Times|date=March 12, 1959|title=INQUIRY CENTERS ON HOFFA'S ALLY; Glimco, Chicago Teamster, Is Accused of Intimidation, Extortion and Fraud|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1959/03/12/archives/inquiry-centers-on-hoffas-ally-glimco-chicago-teamster-is-accused.html|author-link=Joseph A. Loftus|last=Loftus|first=Joseph A.|access-date=April 6, 2020}} He had two brothers, including Frank, and a sister. Glimco attended public school but quit after the seventh grade to earn a living as a shoeshiner and newspaper delivery boy. He owned two newsstands when he was 20 years old.{{cite news|title=Mob Menace In Chicago: Union Rule By Terror|work=Chicago Tribune|date=August 31, 1954}} Glimco's criminal career began about the same time as his departure from school. By the time he was 18, he had been arrested five times and convicted twice for disorderly conduct and once for larceny (receiving six months to a year's probation each time). By the time he was 25, he had been arrested another 16 times—including arrests for murder (twice), bootlegging (twice), motor vehicle theft, criminal intimidation, bombing, and public brawling.

In 1932, he married Lena Pierini, an Italian-American woman, and they had a son; Joseph Jr., and a daughter, Jo Anne Kosey.{{cite news|title=It's A Big Day for Gangland: Two Weddings|work=Chicago Tribune|date=April 4, 1959}} His brother Frank married Dona Alex, the sister of Gus Alex, a hitman for Chicago Outfit financial and legal advisor Jake "Greasy Thumb" Guzik (who oversaw the Outfit's bribes to police and politicians and ensured that income due to the Outfit was not skimmed by lower level mobsters).{{cite news|title=U.S. Probes Glimco's Right to Citizenship|work=Chicago Tribune|date=September 12, 1954}}{{cite book|last=Binder|first=John J.|title=The Chicago Outfit|publisher=Arcadia Publishing|year=2003|isbn=0-7385-2326-7}}

Around the time of his marriage, Glimco became an associate of important Chicago Outfit leaders Tony Accardo and Louis "Little New York" Campagna. Campagna became Glimco's "mob patron", helping to guide his decisions and actions and keep him out of law enforcement trouble.{{cite news|last=Smith|first=Sandy|title=Ponder Glimco's Mob Position|work=Chicago Tribune|date=July 23, 1961}}

Glimco applied to become a naturalized U.S. citizen in November 1931, but his application was turned down in November 1932 due to his extensive criminal record. He applied again in June 1938, and was denied for the same reasons in July 1939. He applied a final time in 1940, and his petition was approved in 1943.

Glimco had an extensive career as a labor racketeer in the 1930s. By 1930, he had become an established "labor slugger", assaulting or threatening to assault union members or employers in order to help organized crime gain control of labor unions. One of his chief soldiers was Dominic Senese.{{efn|Senese was a mob enforcer who himself would later rise high in both the Teamsters and the Chicago Outfit, and in 1988 would become the victim of a notorious attempted gangland murder, which he survived.{{cite news|last1=Sjostrom|first1=Joseph|last2=O'Brien|first2=John|title=Teamsters Leader Wounded; Senese Critical After Attack With Shotgun|work=Chicago Tribune|date=January 23, 1988}}{{cite news|last1=Koziol|first1=Ronald|last2=Blau|first2=Robert|title=Gangland-Style Attack Breaks the Immunity of Oak Brook|work=Chicago Tribune|date=January 24, 1988}}}} Probably his first assignment was to help the Chicago Outfit run the Commission Drivers Union, IBT.{{cite news|title=Mob Menace In Chicago: Union Rule By Terror|work=Chicago Tribune|date=September 4, 1954}} Soon thereafter, Glimco became a protégé of William J. "Witt" Hanley, secretary-treasurer of the Produce, Fresh & Frozen Fruits & Vegetables, Fish, Butter, Eggs, Cheese & Poultry Drivers Union, Local 703, IBT.{{cite news|title=Bare Mob's Union Tie-Up|work=Chicago Tribune|date=September 10, 1954}} Hanley had strong mob ties, and Local 703 president William "Klondike" O'Donnell was a notorious gangster. Glimco became the "office manager" for the Poultry Handlers Union, IBT, in 1933,{{cite news|title=Mob Menace In Chicago: Union Rule By Terror|work=Chicago Tribune|date=September 2, 1954}} organizer for the Poultry Handlers in 1937,{{cite web|title=Joseph P. Glimco and Lena Glimco v. Commissioner of Internal Revenue, 397 F.2d 537 (7th Cir. 1968)|url=https://www.courtlistener.com/opinion/280894/joseph-p-glimco-and-lena-glimco-v-commissioner-of-internal-revenue/|access-date=April 6, 2020|date=December 9, 1968}} and later an organizer for the Poultry Drivers and the Fish Handlers & Filleters unions as well. Both locals were part of the Amalgamated Meat Cutters and Butcher Workmen national union. Among his frequent associates were a number of other labor leaders and staff with strong ties to organized crime.{{efn|These associates included: Max Podolsky (mob-backed business agent for the Poultry Handlers Union), Jack Perno (mob-backed secretary of the Fish Handlers & Filleters Union, Local 550, Amalgamated Meat Cutters), labor slugger Victor Comforte, Michael J. Raimondi (mob-backed secretary-treasurer of Local 703), Daniel Colucio (mob-backed secretary-treasurer of Notions, Candies, Cigars, Tobacco, and Cigaret Salesmen, Drivers, Helpers and Inside Workers and Vending Machine Drivers, Service Men, and Inside Workers Union, Local 761, IBT), and Edward "Red" Donovan (mob-backed Film, Radio, Television, Orchestra, Studio, Theatrical, Exhibition, Amusement Park, & Sound Truck Chauffeurs, Helpers and Warehousemen, Local 755, IBT).}} Glimco was overseeing the extortion of the city's Fulton Street and Randolph Street poultry dealers by 1934, and two years later was such a prominent labor racketeer that the Chicago Tribune named him one of Al Capone's chief soldiers. After Capone went to prison in 1931, Glimco openly associated with the titular head of the Chicago mob, Frank Nitti (a relationship that only ended with Nitti's suicide in 1943).

In 1940, Hanley brought Glimco to see Dominic Abata, founder of the taxi drivers' division of Local 777, IBT (which represented many Chicago taxicab drivers). Hanley told Abata to put Glimco on the payroll; intimidated, Abata made Glimco the division's executive director.{{cite news|title=Union Terror Expose Puts 'Mob' On Run|work=Chicago Tribune|date=September 12, 1954}} After Hanley's death in 1944, Glimco began to take over a larger number of the labor rackets in Chicago. He also started to exercise more active control of Taxi Drivers Local 777{{cite news|title=Taxicab Union Boss Linked to 'Muscle' Case|work=Chicago Tribune|date=January 10, 1954}} as well as the Produce Drivers union. In 1944, Glimco was elected secretary-treasurer of Local 777, and in 1950 became the local's sole pension and welfare fund trustee.

Glimco's influence spread within the mob and the Chicago labor movement beginning in 1950.{{cite news|title=U.S. Probes Glimco's Labor Rackets|work=Chicago Tribune|date=September 4, 1954}} That year, Glimco made a strong push to take over the Chicago Federation of Labor, terrorizing influential local labor leaders with repeated bombings and drive-by shootings. Glimco forced Abata out of Local 777 in 1951 by making death threats against him, his wife, and his children,{{cite news|last=Smith|first=Sandy|title=Pint Sized Glimco Called Biggest Fish in Racket Probe Pond|work=Chicago Tribune|date=March 1, 1959}}{{cite news|title=Quit As Union head For Fear of Life: Abata|work=Chicago Tribune|date=January 22, 1960}} replaced him with cab driver Joe Coca, and in 1952 was employed by the local as a negotiator.{{cite news|title=Glimco Named President of Taxicab Union|work=Chicago Tribune|date=March 10, 1958}}{{cite news|title=Mob Menace In Chicago: Union Rule By Terror|work=Chicago Tribune|date=September 6, 1954}} He was also elected a delegate to the Chicago Federation of Labor, the Illinois Federation of Labor, and Teamsters Joint Council of Chicago. Through most of the 1950s Glimco was considered "Chicago's top labor racketeer". One top Chicago Teamsters leader noted in 1954, "He is the mob. When he opens his mouth, it's the syndicate talking". Federal law enforcement officials, who had been investigating Glimco since 1943, agreed: "We are investigating Glimco because he represents the syndicate". Glimco attended a meeting of top Chicago Outfit leaders at the home of Tony Accardo in April 1952, and a meeting of the Outfit's top labor racketeers at the home of Murray "The Camel" Humphreys (who supervised the Outfit's labor activities) in 1953. Humphreys was pushed out of active involvement in most organized crime activities in 1954 due to failing eyesight, and Glimco was named his successor. The Chicago Crime Commission estimated Glimco's income from union salaries, businesses, kickbacks, and extortion payoffs to be $70,000 a month after this takeover. His legitimate business interests (many of which began in 1952) included a chemical company, several laundries, a phonograph record distributor, and a number of jukebox leasing firms.

Glimco was also wielded increasing power in the Teamsters union. In 1952, he switched sides and threw the support of a large block of Chicago delegates' votes behind the candidacy of Dave Beck, who was challenging incumbent Teamsters President Daniel Tobin for the union's presidency. The following year, Glimco—controlling about 25 percent of the votes in the race for the Teamsters Joint Council of Chicago—orchestrated the defeat of the incumbent president and his slate of three council members and installed his own candidates in office.{{efn|In the International Brotherhood of Teamsters, local unions in large cities often form a federation known as a Joint Council to coordinate their collective bargaining, lobbying, political, and other affairs. Officers and members of the Joint Council are elected by delegates from each local union. Delegates are awarded to each local proportionally on the basis of the number of members in that local.{{cite book|last=Witwer|first=David Scott|title=Corruption and Reform in the Teamsters Union|location=Urbana, Ill.|publisher=University of Illinois Press|year=2003|isbn=0-252-02825-2}}{{cite book|last=Friedman|first=Samuel R.|title=Teamster Rank and File: Power, Bureaucracy, and Rebellion at Work and in a Union|location=New York|publisher=Columbia University Press|year=1982|isbn=0-231-05372-X}}{{cite book|author-link=Farrell Dobbs|last=Dobbs|first=Farrell|title=Teamster Rebellion|location=New York|publisher=Monad Press|year=1972|isbn=0-87348-845-8}}{{cite book|author-link=Farrell Dobbs|last=Dobbs|first=Farrell|title=Teamster Bureaucracy|location=New York|publisher=Monad Press|year=1977|isbn=0-913460-53-2}}}}

Glimco's support of Beck was not strong, however. Glimco began supporting up-and-coming Teamsters official Jimmy Hoffa in the late 1940s. Hoffa was expanding his political base within the Teamsters in preparation for an attempt to unseat incumbent Teamsters President Dave Beck.{{cite book|last=Sloane|first=Arthur A.|title=Hoffa|location=Cambridge, Mass.|publisher=MIT Press|year=1991|isbn=0-262-19309-4}} Hoffa needed to control the delegate-rich locals in Chicago, and to do that he needed Glimco's permission to infiltrate and dominate them.{{cite book|last=Schlesinger|first=Arthur M. Jr.|title=Robert Kennedy and His Times|publisher=Paperback ed. Ballantine Books|year=1978|isbn=0-345-41061-0}} Through his relationship with Paul "Red" Dorfman, president of the Chicago Waste Handlers Union and an associate of Tony Accardo's,{{cite book|last=Witwer|first=David Scott|title=Corruption and Reform in the Teamsters Union|location=Urbana, Ill.|publisher=University of Illinois Press|year=2003|isbn=0-252-02825-2}}; {{cite book|last=Mills, Judie|title=Robert Kennedy|location=Minneapolis|publisher=Twenty-First Century Books|year=1998|isbn=1-56294-250-6}} Hoffa became a close friend to Glimco and Paul "The Waiter" Ricca.{{cite magazine|url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,864873-3,00.html|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20121104010219/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,864873-3,00.html|url-status=dead|archive-date=November 4, 2012|title=Pretty Simple Life|magazine=Time|date=August 31, 1959|access-date=April 6, 2020}} Glimco brokered the deal in which the Chicago Outfit supported Hoffa's organizing drives among Midwestern drivers in exchange for Glimco's access to Local 777's finances.{{cite book|last=Reppetto|first=Thomas|title=Bringing Down the Mob: The War Against the American Mafia|location=New York|publisher=Macmillan|year=2007|isbn=978-0-8050-8659-1}} Glimco's actions positioned him to support either man: If Beck won, Glimco's actions in 1952 proved his allegiance to Beck. If Hoffa won, Glimco would have played a critical role in his success.

Glimco began having legal troubles in 1954. Law enforcement officials first tried to connect him with the slaying of Charles "Cherry Nose" Gioe on August 19, 1954.{{cite news|last=Smith|first=Sandy|title=Glimco Sought for Quizzing in Gioe's Slaying|work=Chicago Tribune|date=August 20, 1954}} According to police, Glimco had allegedly ordered the bombing of a Howard Johnson's restaurant at 4240 North Harlem Avenue in Norridge, Illinois, on May 18, 1954, in an attempt to force the construction contractor to employ union labor (specifically, a labor union dominated by Glimco). Gioe, a top Chicago Outfit underboss recently released from prison, ordered Glimco to end his dispute with the contractor and Glimco allegedly had Gioe murdered for this interference in his business.{{cite news|title=Gangster Diamond Slain; Son Looks On|work=Chicago Tribune|date=August 22, 1954}}; {{cite news|title=Boss of Union Questioned in Gang Killings|work=Chicago Tribune|date=August 24, 1954}} But the investigation ended without any action taken against Glimco.

The Gioe investigation led to a major press expose and additional legal actions against Glimco. On August 30, 1954, the Chicago Daily Tribune began running a six-part series exposing Glimco's criminal past, mob ties, and infiltration of the Chicago labor movement. "Glimco was well on his way to take over the teamsters unions" until the Daily Tribune series exposed him and put a halt to his plans. A grand jury investigation, prompted by the Daily Tribune series, opened two days later,{{cite news|title=Union Probe of Glimco Set|work=Chicago Tribune|date=September 8, 1954}} and Glimco was indicted on charges of conspiracy and racketeering under the Hobbs Act. Glimco challenged the constitutionality of the Hobbs Act and claimed the statute of limitations had run out, assertions the government contested.{{cite news|title=Glimco Seeks to Kill Labor Racket Case|work=Chicago Tribune|date=December 30, 1954}}; {{cite news|title=Long U.S. Brief Opposes Plea of Joey Glimco|work=Chicago Tribune|date=March 16, 1955}} The bad press and indictment led the Teamsters international headquarters to conduct two probes into Glimco's union activities, both of which exonerated him of any wrongdoing.{{cite news|title=Union Chiefs Study Glimco Action Today|work=Chicago Tribune|date=September 13, 1954}}; {{cite news|title=Union Denies Mob Moves In On Teamsters|work=Chicago Tribune|date=September 14, 1954}}; {{cite news|title=Top Teamster Officials Plan Glimco Probe|work=Chicago Tribune|date=September 19, 1954}}; {{cite news|title=Beck Refuses to Fire Glimco As Union Boss|work=Chicago Tribune|date=September 22, 1954}}; {{cite news|title=AFL Teamster Boss Protects Glimco Again|work=Chicago Tribune|date=October 22, 1954}}; {{cite news|title=Head of Union Orders A New Glimco Probeo Fire Glimco As Union Boss|work=Chicago Tribune|date=November 12, 1954}} A lengthy legal investigation followed the indictment, during which Glimco associates and other witnesses refused to testify, Glimco was alleged to have bribed police to avoid prosecution, and Glimco's legal team made repeated legal motions which delayed the trial for significant periods of time.{{cite news|title=Glimco Police Ties Eyed By Crime Probers|work=Chicago Tribune|date=September 17, 1950}}; {{cite news|title=Poultry Board Chief Heard In Glimco Inquiry|work=Chicago Tribune|date=September 18, 1954}}; {{cite news|title=Glimco Pal Won't Talk at Quiz|work=Chicago Tribune|date=September 21, 1954}}; {{cite news|title=Advise Glimco Witnesses to Tell Threats|work=Chicago Tribune|date=September 24, 1954}}; {{cite news|title=Grand Jurors Hear of $4,000 Glimco Payoff|work=Chicago Tribune|date=September 28, 1954}}; {{cite news|title=Union Terrorist Rule Charged to Gangster|work=Chicago Tribune|date=October 8, 1954}}; {{cite news|title=Indict 5 in Glimco Racket|work=Chicago Tribune|date=October 8, 1954}}; {{cite news|title=Lawyers Move to Quash Case Against Glimco|work=Chicago Tribune|date=February 2, 1955}}; {{cite news|title=U.S. on Trail of $600,000 in Glimco Probe|work=Chicago Tribune|date=February 25, 1955}}; {{cite news|title=Ask to Dismiss Poultry Chief in Glimco Case|work=Chicago Tribune|date=March 8, 1955}}; {{cite news|title=Quiz Taxi Union Head in Probe of Vote Frauds|work=Chicago Tribune|date=April 16, 1955}}; {{cite news|title=Court Thwarts Bid By Glimco to Avoid Trial|work=Chicago Tribune|date=May 27, 1955}}; {{cite news|title=U.S. Jury Opens Rackets Inquiry Today|work=Chicago Tribune|date=June 10, 1955}}; {{cite news|title=Glimco Seeks Dismissal in Rackets Case|work=Chicago Tribune|date=September 27, 1955}}; {{cite news|title=Judge Refuses Plea to Clear Joey Glimco|work=Chicago Tribune|date=October 18, 1955}}; {{cite news|title=Glimco Seeking to Avoid Trial in New Move|work=Chicago Tribune|date=December 6, 1955}}; {{cite news|title=Defer Glimco Bid to Block Racket Trial|work=Chicago Tribune|date=December 16, 1955}}; {{cite news|title=Glimco Denied Plea of Review on Indictment|work=Chicago Tribune|date=December 22, 1955}}; {{cite news|title=Glimco, Four Others Facing Trial April 3|work=Chicago Tribune|date=January 19, 1956}}; {{cite news|title=Glimco Loses 2 Motions in Racket Case|work=Chicago Tribune|date=February 9, 1956}}; {{cite news|title=Judge Defers Glimco Trial Till Sept. 24|work=Chicago Tribune|date=April 24, 1956}}; {{cite news|title=Trial for Five in Racket Case Set for Jan. 21|work=Chicago Tribune|date=September 13, 1956}}; {{cite news|title=Ask Evidence Be Suppressed In Glimco Case|work=Chicago Tribune|date=January 25, 1957}}; {{cite news|title=Wire Tapping In Glimco Case Denied By U.S|work=Chicago Tribune|date=January 30, 1957}}; {{cite news|title=Glimco Scores Point in Fight Against Trial|work=Chicago Tribune|date=February 2, 1957}}; {{cite news|title=Tape Recorder Use Upheld in Glimco's Case|work=Chicago Tribune|date=February 7, 1957}}; {{cite news|title=Glimco's Labor Racket Trial to Open Today|work=Chicago Tribune|date=March 11, 1957}}; {{cite news|title=Glimco Trial Stalled Over Jury Selection|work=Chicago Tribune|date=March 14, 1957}}; {{cite news|last=Hughes|first=Frank|title=Gifts' to Glimco Told at His Trial|work=Chicago Tribune|date=March 16, 1957}}; {{cite news|last=Egelhof|first=Joseph|title=Glimco Jury Told of Payoffs|work=Chicago Tribune|date=March 20, 1957}}; {{cite news|last=Egelhof|first=Joseph|title=U.S. Winds Up Testimony In Glimco's Trial|work=Chicago Tribune|date=March 22, 1957}}; {{cite news|title=Defense Calls No One, Rests Glimco's Case|work=Chicago Tribune|date=March 23, 1957}}; {{cite news|last=Egelhof|first=Joseph|title=Glimco Case Likely to Go to Jury Today|work=Chicago Tribune|date=March 26, 1957}} After a 12-day trial, Glimco was acquitted of all charges on March 26, 1957.{{cite news|last=Egelhof|first=Joseph|title=Jury Acquits Glimco and 4|work=Chicago Tribune|date=March 27, 1957}} Meanwhile, three more federal grand juries began investigating Glimco, looking into additional racketeering charges, his juke box leasing businesses, and the finances of the Fish Handlers & Filleters union.{{cite news|title=U.S. Jury Opens Rackets Inquiry Today|work=Chicago Tribune|date=June 10, 1955}}; {{cite news|title=U.S. Jury Opens Quiz of Glimco Juke Box Firm|work=Chicago Tribune|date=February 7, 1956}}; {{cite news|title=U.S. Jury Opens Prove of Fish Handlers Unit|work=Chicago Tribune|date=December 11, 1956}}

Glimco was elected president of Local 777 on March 10, 1958.

Just a month earlier, however, the United States Senate Select Committee on Improper Activities in Labor and Management subpoenaed Glimco as part of its investigation into labor racketeering.{{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=Senators Ask to See Glimco|work=Chicago Tribune|date=February 8, 1958}} The Senate Labor and Public Welfare Committee had investigated Glimco's stewardship of the Local 777 pension and welfare fund in 1954 but never developed enough evidence to prove wrongdoing.{{cite news|title=Senate to Probe Glimco's Union Fund|work=Chicago Tribune|date=September 25, 1954}} But the Daily Tribune exposé and additional Senate investigations in 1957 led to a new focus on him. The committee also subpoenaed Glimco's personal financial records, Local 777's financial and other records, and the Local 777 pension and welfare fund's financial and other records. Glimco initially refused to turn over the records but would let the Select Committee view them in his presence, and then claimed that he had no personal records.{{cite news|title=Chicago Teamster Will Guard Records He Gave Senate Unit; Wants to Prevent Leaks to the Press -- Inquiry Calls Data Incomplete|work=The New York Times|author=UPI|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1958/04/25/archives/chicago-teamster-will-guard-records-he-gave-senate-unit-wants-to.html|access-date=April 6, 2020|date=April 25, 1958}} When the records were turned over, they were incomplete and Glimco did not stand guard over them day and night as he had pledged.{{cite news|title=Glimco Yields Union Records|work=Chicago Tribune|date=April 30, 1958}}; {{cite news|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1958/04/26/archives/teamster-abandons-plan-to-guard-data.html|title=TEAMSTER ABANDONS PLAN TO GUARD DATA|work=The New York Times|date=April 26, 1958|access-date=April 6, 2020}} During his testimony before the Select Committee on April 24, Glimco asserted his Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination 80 times. Select Committee Chairman Senator John Little McClellan and Chief Counsel Robert F. Kennedy exchanged sharp words with Glimco:

:Kennedy: And you defraud the union by charging the construction of your own home to the union, just like Mr. Dave Beck?

:Glimco: I respectfully decline to answer because I honestly believe my answer might intend to incriminate me.

:Kennedy: I would agree with you.

:McClellan: I believe it would.

:Kennedy: You haven't got the guts to answer, have you, Mr. Glimco?

:Glimco: I respectfully decline to answer because I honestly believe my answer might intend to incriminate me.

:McClellan: Morally, you are kind of yellow inside, are you not?

:Glimco: I respectfully decline to answer because I honestly believe my answer might intend to incriminate me.

The Select Committee also investigated the union contracts Glimco negotiated (which the committee felt were sweetheart deals) in June 1958,{{cite news|title=Senate Group Probing Taxi Union's Pact|work=Chicago Tribune|date=June 23, 1958}} and Glimco's alleged domination of various Teamster unions in July 1958.{{cite news|title=Glimco Unions Next Probe Target|work=Chicago Tribune|date=July 19, 1958}} But despite this extensive investigation and intense public questioning, however, Glimco was never prosecuted for these allegations.

The Select Committee hearings lead to additional investigations into Glimco's activities, however. Committee investigators looked into Glimco's jukebox businesses, and eventually named him "boss of the jukebox rackets" in early 1959.{{cite news|last=Smith|first=Sandy|title=Key Juke Box Probe Figure Says He's Ill|work=Chicago Tribune|date=January 16, 1959}}; {{cite news|last=Moore|first=William|title=Quiz Juke Box Figure About Mafia Links|work=Chicago Tribune|date=February 12, 1959}}; {{cite news|last=Moore|first=William|title=Name Juke Racket Bosses|work=Chicago Tribune|date=February 21, 1959}} Despite a grand jury probe which identified Glimco as the owner of the biggest jukebox racket in the region,{{cite news|last=Smith|first=Sandy|title=Jury Probe of Juke Mob to Open Here|work=Chicago Tribune|date=February 24, 1959}} Glimco was never indicted. It was later alleged that he bribed witnesses to avoid indictment, but was never prosecuted on these charges.{{cite news|title=Bribe Offer to Refuse Glimco Quiz Revealed|work=Chicago Tribune|date=March 10, 1959}} On March 11, 1959, the Select Committee held a week-long hearing into Glimco's union affairs, during which witnesses said they had been threatened, assaulted, and intimidated by him and his associates; that they had signed over portions of their wages to him in order to avoid assault; that he had extorted money from businesses and union members alike; that he had bribed witnesses to avoid prosecution and/or imprisonment; and that he had signed sweetheart deals with employers.{{cite news|last=Moore|first=William|title=Probe Exposes Glimco Rackets|work=Chicago Tribune|date=March 12, 1959}} Glimco testified before the Select Committee for the second time on March 12, 1959, but repeatedly invoked his Fifth Amendment rights again and again.{{cite news|title=Racketeers Linked to Concern Doing Defense Work in Chicago|agency=Associated Press|date=March 13, 1959}} During the hearings, investigators discovered that Glimco's police records had been destroyed by the Chicago police in 1949 at the request of State Representative Andrew A. Euzzino of Chicago, and that many of the records relating to earlier investigations into Glimco's alleged racketeering were missing.{{cite news|title=Legislator's Plea Erases Glimco Record|work=Chicago Tribune|date=March 13, 1959}}; {{cite news|title=Rackets Data Disappear in Chicago Office|work=Chicago Tribune|date=March 15, 1959}}

The 1959 Select Committee hearings did reveal, however, that Glimco had used union monies to fund his legal defense efforts—money Senators and committee investigators said constituted income which Glimco did not report to the Internal Revenue Service. These few facts would later become important in convicting Glimco on tax evasion charges in 1968.

Although Glimco's legal troubles appeared to be ending by mid-1959, his union troubles were just beginning. In 1947, Congress enacted the Taft–Hartley Act over President Harry S. Truman's veto.{{cite book|author-link=R. Alton Lee|last=Lee|first=R. Alton|title=Truman and Taft-Hartley: A Question of Mandate|location=Lexington, Ky|publisher=University of Kentucky Press|year=1966}}; {{cite book|last=Tomlins|first=Christopher L.|title=The State and the Unions: Labor Relations, Law, and the Organized Labor Movement in America, 1880-1960|location=New York|publisher=Cambridge University Press|year=1985|isbn=0-521-31452-6}} The Taft-Hartley Act created legal standards which labor unions must meet regarding representation elections, coercing employees, strikes and picketing, and other actions; violation of these standards constitutes an unfair labor practice (ULP), and employees and workers can file ULPs against unions with the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) for redress. In October 1958, a member of Local 777's taxicab drivers' union filed a ULP against Glimco for depriving him of the full amount due him by the union's pension and welfare fund and for inducing the man's employer to discharge him for requesting the full amount.{{cite news|title=Charges Against Joey Glimco To Be Kept Open by NLRB|work=Chicago Tribune|date=November 19, 1958}}{{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=Report NLRB Blasts Glimco|work=Chicago Tribune|date=August 15, 1959}} Although the worker later received full reimbursement and reinstatement, the NLRB took the unheard-of step of refusing to drop the charges. The welfare fund ULP led to a widespread investigation into Glimco's stewardship of the union's pension, welfare, and insurance funds. In March 1959, two union trustees were accused of awarding union insurance business to a firm controlled by the mob and which charged excessive commissions.{{cite news|last=Moore|first=William|title=Sift Unions' Fund Racket|work=Chicago Tribune|date=March 18, 1959}} Teamsters President Jimmy Hoffa was forced to publicly support Glimco{{cite news|author-link=Thomas Powers|last=Powers|first=Thomas|title=Hoffa Defends Insuring By 3 Locals Here|work=Chicago Tribune|date=March 19, 1959}} even as state law enforcement officials began a formal criminal investigation.{{cite news|title=Two Insurance Firms to Face Glimco Probe|work=Chicago Tribune|date=March 20, 1959}} On March 20, 1959, the Occidental Life Insurance Company removed Glimco as disbursing and certifying official in charge of the Local 777 welfare fund.{{cite news|title=Fire Glimco as Fund Boss|work=Chicago Tribune|date=March 21, 1959}} Glimco voided the insurance policy on April 17 after he failed to regain control of the fund from Occidental Life.{{cite news|title=Glimco Loses Bid to Regain Fund Control|work=Chicago Tribune|date=April 16, 1959}}; {{cite news|last=Smith|first=Sandy|title=Glimco Voids Insurance on Cabbies' Fund|work=Chicago Tribune|date=April 18, 1959}} He was immediately sued by union members, who sought to restore the welfare fund.{{cite news|title=13 Sue to Glimco to Get Back Union's Cash|work=Chicago Tribune|date=May 6, 1959}} Glimco sued Occidental Life, and won a $54,000 judgment against the company in August 1960 for violating its contract with the union.{{cite news|title=Glimco Union Wins $54,863 in Insurance Suit|work=Chicago Tribune|date=August 27, 1960}}

The fight over the union funds led to a battle by union members to oust Glimco. Even though he had been under a 24-hour police guard since August 1958,{{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=Police Squad Guards Home of Glimco Foe|work=Chicago Tribune|date=August 25, 1959}} Dominic Abata announced he was leading an effort to oust the Teamsters as the union representing Chicago's taxicab drivers.{{cite news|title=Glimco Faces A New Fight From Old Foe|work=Chicago Tribune|date=March 22, 1959}}; {{cite news|title=Fight to Oust Glimco Begun|work=Chicago Tribune|date=April 3, 1959}} Abata's supporters were assaulted even though they were ostensibly under police protection, which led to charges of police corruption, a civil lawsuit seeking a court injunction against further violence, and a number of ULP charges filed by members against Glimco.{{cite news|title=Glimco Rivals Organize As Cops Stand By|work=Chicago Tribune|date=April 10, 1959}}; {{cite news|title=Glimco Rivals Ask Court Ban On Terrorism|work=Chicago Tribune|date=May 7, 1959}}; {{cite news|title=Cabbie Attack Suspect Held Glimco Flunky|work=Chicago Tribune|date=May 8, 1959}}; {{cite news|title=NLRB Charges Are Filed By Fired Cabbie|work=Chicago Tribune|date=May 12, 1959}} On May 12, Abata's group, the Democratic Union Organizing Committee (DUOC), filed union representation petitions with the NLRB asking for elections to be held to determine which union (DUOC or the Teamsters) would continue to represent the drivers and mechanics at Yellow Cab Company and Checker Cab.{{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=Glimco Rivals Ask NLRB For New Election|work=Chicago Tribune|date=May 13, 1959}}; {{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=Taxi Rebels Seek Charter|work=Chicago Tribune|date=May 14, 1959}}

The subsequent representation election campaign was a violent one. Widespread assaults, bombings, shootings, arson, and threats were made against DUOC's leaders and supporters in what the press called a "wave of terror".{{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=Action Urghed In Wake of Cab Terrorism|work=Chicago Tribune|date=May 19, 1959}}; {{cite news|title=Probe Terror Wave Against Glimco Foes|work=Chicago Tribune|date=June 4, 1959}} Glimco sued in mid-June to block the election, but both the NLRB and the federal courts refused to do so.{{cite news|title=Glimco Local Sues to Block NLRB Election|work=Chicago Tribune|date=June 16, 1959}}; {{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=Glimco Fails to Block Election|work=Chicago Tribune|date=June 20, 1959}} Abata won an NLRB hearing on whether to hold the election.{{cite news|title=Glimco Foes Win Ruling on NLRB Hearing|work=Chicago Tribune|date=June 24, 1959}} But the first day of the hearings (on June 24, 1959) became "one of the wildest hearings in labor history":{{cite news|title=Uproar at Glimco Quiz!|work=Chicago Tribune|date=June 25, 1959}}{{cite news|title=Cab Drivers Upset Hearing in Chicago|work=The New York Times|date=June 25, 1959}} So many cab drivers attended the hearing that downtown traffic was snarled all day, so many people attended that the hearing had to be switch to a hotel ballroom and then a federal courthouse to maintain order, Glimco's supporters disrupted the proceedings by shouting through bullhorns, and Senate Select Committee investigators served subpoenas on Glimco staff members (who couldn't flee through the crowd to avoid the U.S. Marshals).{{cite news|title=Slugger Yells at NLRB Aid in Glimco Probe|work=Chicago Tribune|date=June 26, 1959}} A greater sense of decorum was observed over the next several weeks as DUOC witnesses testified about the alleged violence and intimidation aimed at them as they sought to oust the Glimco-led Teamsters union.{{cite news|title=Glimco Glares As Rival Tells of Terrorism|work=Chicago Tribune|date=June 27, 1959}}; {{cite news|last=Smith|first=Sandy|title=Fresh Glimco Terror Bared By Cab Rebels|work=Chicago Tribune|date=June 28, 1959}}; {{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=Glimco Union In New Move to Bar Vote|work=Chicago Tribune|date=August 7, 1959}}; {{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=New Clases Mark Glimco NLRB Hearing|work=Chicago Tribune|date=August 11, 1959}}; {{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=Glimco Begins Defense And It's Confusion|work=Chicago Tribune|date=August 13, 1959}} The hearings adjourned for several weeks in July while Abata and Glimco testified at the Senate Select Committee again.{{cite news|last=Moore|first=William|title=Glimco Hides Behind 5th In Union Probe|work=Chicago Tribune|date=July 7, 1959}} On August 13, as the NLRB hearings continued, court-appointed monitors for the Teamsters union ordered Jimmy Hoffa to fire Joey Glimco on grounds of corruption.{{efn|In September 1957, several members of the Teamsters sued Teamsters General Secretary-Treasurer John F. English alleging that their legal rights under the Teamsters' 1952 constitution were being violated and that the Teamsters leadership's legal obligation to protect these rights were being repudiated. In a consent decree signed on January 31, 1958, the Teamsters union agreed to the imposition of a neutral, independent team of outside monitors who would oversee the union, investigate allegations of corruption and the violation of union members' rights, and impose solutions, among other rights and powers.Cunningham v. English, C.A. 2361-57 (D.D.C. Jan. 31, 1958), consent decree reprinted in full in English v. Cunningham,'' 269 F.2d 517, 532-35 (D.C. Cir. 1959), cert. denied, 361 U.S. 905 (1959).{{cite news|last=Goldberg|first=Michael J.|title=The Teamsters' Board of Monitors: An Experiment in Union Reform Litigation|work=Labor History|year=1989}}{{cite news|author-link1=Michael H. Belzer|last1=Belzer|first1=Michael H.|last2=Hurd|first2=Richard|title=Government oversight, union democracy, and labor racketeering: Lessons from the teamsters experience|work=Journal of Labor Research|year=1999}}{{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=Hoffa Ordered to Fire Glimco|work=Chicago Tribune|date=August 14, 1959}}}} The following day, a draft NLRB report (stemming from the original 1958 welfare fund ULP) requesting the issuance of numerous ULPs against Glimco and Local 777 was leaked to the press. Hoffa refused to fire Glimco, and the Board of Monitors went to U.S. federal court on August 25 to enforce their order.{{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=Fight to Oust Glimco Going to U.S. Court|work=Chicago Tribune|date=August 26, 1959}}; {{cite news|title=Action on Teamsters|work=United Press International|date=August 26, 1959}} On September 2, the monitors revised their order, reiterating their demand that Glimco be immediately fired and adding demands that Glimco lose his Teamster membership and forfeit funds, and that Hoffa conduct an immediate investigation into and an audit of Local 777's funds.{{cite news|last=Moore|first=William|title=Order Hoffa: Oust Glimco|work=Chicago Tribune|date=September 3, 1959}}; {{cite news|title=Monitors Ask Hoffa To Remove 3 Aides; HOFFA IS ADVISED TO REMOVE 3 AIDES|work=The New York Times|author=Associated Press|date=September 3, 1959|access-date=April 6, 2020|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1959/09/03/archives/monitors-ask-hoffa-to-remove-3-aides-hoffa-is-advised-to-remove-3.html}} Glimco defiantly predicted he would never be fired.{{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=Glimco Defiant Over His 'Firing'|work=Chicago Tribune|date=September 3, 1959}} Hoffa defied the Board of Monitors, refusing to expel Glimco from the union.{{cite news|title=Hoffa Backs Glimco; Jury Acts to Indict|work=Chicago Tribune|date=September 16, 1959}}; {{cite news|last=Young|first=Robert|title=Hoffa Defies Monitor Order to Oust Glimco|work=Chicago Tribune|date=September 29, 1959}} In fact, even after a year had passed, Hoffa had yet to act on the order to expel Glimco.{{cite news|author-link=Peter Braestrup|last=Braestrup|first=Peter|title=Hoffa Defends His Leadership|work=The New York Times|date=January 25, 1961}}

The battle at the NLRB dragged on through the fall of 1959. Glimco expelled a number of DUOC supporters from the union in late September despite the passage of the Labor Management Reporting and Disclosure Act (the LMRDA, or Landrum-Griffin Act) on September 14, 1959, generally forbidding the denial of union members' rights on political grounds.{{cite book|author-link=R. Alton Lee|last=Lee|first=R. Alton|title=Eisenhower & Landrum-Griffin: A Study in Labor-Management Politics|location=Lexington, Ky|publisher=University Press of Kentucky|year=1990|isbn=0-8131-1683-X}}; {{cite book|author-link=Janice R. Bellace|last1=Bellace|first1=Janice R.|last2=Berkowitz|first2=Alan D|last3=Van Dusen|first3=Bruce D.|title=The Landrum-Griffin Act: Twenty Years of Federal Protection of Union Members' Rights|location=Philadelphia, Pa.|publisher=University of Pennsylvania|year=1979|isbn=0-89546-014-9}}; {{cite book|last=Friedman|first=Samuel R.|title=Teamster Rank and File: Power, Bureaucracy, and Rebellion at Work and in a Union|location=New York|publisher=Columbia University Press|year=1982|isbn=0-231-05372-X}}; {{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=Glimco Expels Foes Despite New U.S. Law|work=Chicago Tribune|date=September 20, 1959}} DUOC's attack on Glimco suffered another setback when the NLRB headquarters ruled on September 21 that testimony presented at the Senate Select Committee hearings could not be entered into evidence at the regional NLRB hearings in Chicago.{{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=Use of Senate Data Against Glimco Barred|work=Chicago Tribune|date=September 22, 1959}} Even as additional evidence of illegal actions by Glimco to stall an election and swing votes his way emerged,{{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=Cabbie Admits Union Pays to Pack Hearings|work=Chicago Tribune|date=October 28, 1959}} the NLRB's regional office blocked attempts to further stall the agency's hearings and said its final ruling would come in January 1960.{{cite news|title=NLRB Glimco Hearings End in an Uproar|work=Chicago Tribune|date=November 18, 1959}}; {{cite news|title=NLRB Hearing in Taxi Cases Set for Jan. 19|work=Chicago Tribune|date=November 26, 1959}}{{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=NLRB Blocks Glimco Bid to Stall Talks|work=Chicago Tribune|date=October 30, 1959}}; {{cite news|title=NLRB Aid Cuts Off Flow of Glimco's Men|work=Chicago Tribune|date=November 5, 1959}} The agency also said it would hold hearings on the ULPs in the union funds cases in December and issue a ruling in three months. Even as the NRLB hearings on a potential election continued, Glimco called for union elections in which he ran for president unopposed and handily won on December 5, 1959.{{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=Glimco Calls 'Election' But He Runs Alone|work=Chicago Tribune|date=October 21, 1959}}; {{cite news|title=Glimco Again Nominated As Union's Chief|work=Chicago Tribune|date=November 3, 1959}}; {{cite news|title=Not Official, But Glimco Wins Again|work=Chicago Tribune|date=December 6, 1959}}

Meanwhile, the Board of Monitors continued to press its case in court to force Hoffa to expel Glimco from the Teamsters. The monitors won favorable rulings from both the district court and the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals.English v. Cunningham, 269 F.2d 517, 532-35 (D.C. Cir. 1959), cert. denied, 361 U.S. 905 (1959). On November 16, 1959, the U.S. Supreme Court refused to hear Hoffa's appeal, and the Board of Monitors pledged to move immediately to force Glimco out.{{cite news|last=Moore|first=William|title=Monitors Move to Oust Glimco|work=Chicago Tribune|date=November 17, 1959}}

As Glimco fought the NLRB and DUOC for control of the union, he also faced additional legal challenges. An Illinois grand jury began investigating him for perjury in September 1959, and two indictments were handed down on September 26.{{cite news|title=2 Indictments Charge Glimco With Perjury|work=Chicago Tribune|date=September 26, 1959}}; {{cite news|title=Unionist Indicted|agency=Associated Press|date=September 26, 1959}} Glimco pleaded not guilty, and attempted to quash the indictment but was unsuccessful.{{cite news|title=Glimco Pleads Not Guilty in Perjury Case|work=Chicago Tribune|date=October 2, 1959}}; {{cite news|title=Glimco Poses to Start a Fresh Police File|work=Chicago Tribune|date=October 3, 1959}}; {{cite news|title=Seek to Quash Joey Glimco Perjury Case|work=Chicago Tribune|date=October 14, 1959}}; {{cite news|title=Glimco Loses Plea to Halt Perjury Case|work=Chicago Tribune|date=December 19, 1959}} Jury selection began in April, the jury was sequestered after being seated, and the trial began on June 27.{{cite news|title=Delay Glimco Trial Again; Judge Objects|work=Chicago Tribune|date=March 1, 1960}}; {{cite news|title=Pick 8 Jurors for Glimco's Perjury Trial|work=Chicago Tribune|date=April 26, 1960}}; {{cite news|title=Lock Up Jury in Joe Glimco Perjury Trial|work=Chicago Tribune|date=April 27, 1960}}; {{cite news|title=Joey Glimco's Perjury Trial Set for June 27|work=Chicago Tribune|date=May 13, 1960}}; {{cite news|title=State to Open 2d Trial for Glimco Today|work=Chicago Tribune|date=Jun 28, 1960}} The jury found Glimco not guilty on June 30, 1960.{{cite news|title=Four Testify in 2d Glimco Perjury Trial|work=Chicago Tribune|date=June 29, 1960}}; {{cite news|title=Glimco Takes Stand in Trial for Perjury|work=Chicago Tribune|date=June 30, 1960}}; {{cite news|title=Glimco Wins Again! Free in Perjury Trial|work=Chicago Tribune|date=July 1, 1960}} As the perjury trial wore on, Glimco was investigated yet again for racketeering in the jukebox distribution industry but no charges were filed against him.{{cite news|last=Moore|first=William|title=Glimco Named As Boss In Coin Box Rackets|work=Chicago Tribune|date=April 1, 1960}}; {{cite news|last=Smith|first=Sandy|title=New Rackets of Juke Box Mobsters Are Bared|work=Chicago Tribune|date=August 7, 1960}}; {{cite news|last=Smith|first=Sandy|title=Juke Box Firm Is Stolen Like Baby's Candy|work=Chicago Tribune|date=August 9, 1960}}

The dispute over holding a union representation election continued at the NLRB throughout 1960. The NLRB subpoenaed Local 777 records as part of its investigation, and Glimco refused to turn them over even after a court ordered him to do so.{{cite news|title=Glimco Defies NLRB Subpoena for Records|work=Chicago Tribune|date=January 20, 1960}}; {{cite news|title=Judge Orders Glimco: Bring In Union Files|work=Chicago Tribune|date=February 2, 1960}} As the NLRB heard additional evidence about violence directed at DUOC supporters (including graphic photos of beatings) and the Chicago Police Department opened a new investigation into the sabotage of taxicabs driven by DUOC members,{{cite news|title=Show Photograph of Beating During Hearing of NLRB|work=Chicago Tribune|date=January 29, 1960}}; {{cite news|title=Quiz Sabotage of Cars of Cab Union Rebels|work=Chicago Tribune|date=February 19, 1960}} the labor board halted further hearings pending receipt of records and gave Glimco a lengthy extension of time to submit these records (despite vigorous protests from U.S. Department of Labor and DUOC attorneys).{{cite news|title=NLRB Hearing Halts Pending Glimco Action|work=Chicago Tribune|date=February 4, 1960}}; {{cite news|title=Glimco Given 25 Day Delay in NLRB Case|work=Chicago Tribune|date=February 25, 1960}}; {{cite news|title=U.S. Attorneys Rip Glimco in NLRB Hearing|work=Chicago Tribune|date=March 5, 1960}}; {{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=Glimco Foes Fight Delay in NLRB Case|work=Chicago Tribune|date=March 30, 1960}} The hearings ended on March 11, 1960, when Glimco advised the NLRB that he would not turn over any records.{{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=Big Spending By Cab Union Bosses Told|work=Chicago Tribune|date=March 11, 1960}}; {{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=Hearings End in Dispute Over Cab Union Control|work=Chicago Tribune|date=March 12, 1960}}

After a three-month lull in the NLRB's activities, NLRB attorneys filed a brief with the Board accusing Glimco of having coerced taxicab drivers into joining the union and paying dues.{{cite news|title=U.S. Demands Glimco Union Repay Dues to Cabbies|work=Chicago Tribune|date=June 14, 1960}} The NLRB's investigator said Glimco had colluded with Yellow Cab and Checker Cab to negotiate and enforce closed shop clauses in its collective bargaining agreements in violation of the Taft-Hartley Act. The investigator alleged that between $125,000 and $650,000 in dues were illegally collected, and demanded that Glimco refund these dues immediately. The 125-page brief led to a second investigation (this time into the making of loans out of union funds to local leaders in violation of the Landrum-Griffin Act) by Department of Labor attorneys.{{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=New U.S. Unit Probes Glimco|work=Chicago Tribune|date=June 26, 1960}} The new pressures on Glimco and Local 777 led to more death-threats against Abata and other DUOC leaders,{{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=Special Guard to Stay With 4 Labor Figures|work=Chicago Tribune|date=July 9, 1960}}; {{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=Probe Abata Death Threat in Union Fight|work=Chicago Tribune|date=September 7, 1960}} On July 21, 1960, an NLRB trial examiner found that Glimco and Local 777 had indeed coerced taxicab drivers into joining the union, and ordered the refund of $750,000 in illegally obtained dues.{{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=Glimco's Union Hit by NLRB|work=Chicago Tribune|date=July 22, 1960}} Glimco immediately appealed the NLRB's order.{{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=Glimco Fights NLRB Order to Repay Dues|work=Chicago Tribune|date=July 23, 1960}} He was granted a delay on May 30, 1961, and refunded dues to just four cab drivers by June.{{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=NLRB Reprieve Won By Glimco and Cab Firms|work=Chicago Tribune|date=June 1, 1961}}; {{cite news|title=Glimco Union Refunds Dues to 4 Cabbies|work=Chicago Tribune|date=June 7, 1961}}

The NLRB had yet to rule on DUOC's petition for a union representational election by October 1960, which led DUOC members to strongly criticize the Board for the lengthy delays in issuing a ruling.{{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=Rebel Cabbies Hit NLRB For Long Delays|work=Chicago Tribune|date=October 23, 1960}} Glimco attempted to organize taxicab drivers in suburban Chicago, which would demonstrate worker support for him and his administration of the union,{{cite news|title=Glimco Union Seeks to Sign Suburb Firm|work=Chicago Tribune|date=February 18, 1961}} but was unsuccessful.{{cite news|title=Glimco Runs Into Fight in Organizing Bid|work=Chicago Tribune|date=February 19, 1961}} Nevertheless, he ran his own slate of candidates for delegate to the Teamsters national convention, and the slate easily won.{{cite news|title=Glimco Slate Elected to Go to Convention|work=Chicago Tribune|date=May 16, 1961}}

An NLRB-supervised union representation election was finally held on July 19, 1961, and Local 777 was ousted as the taxicab drivers' representative. Both Glimco and DUOC promised a clean election, and the NLRB ordered that the election would be by secret ballot.{{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=Glimco Vows Honest Count in Taxi Vote|work=Chicago Tribune|date=May 13, 1961}}; {{cite news|title=Glimco Rivals Open Drive to Win Cabbies|work=Chicago Tribune|date=May 26, 1961}}{{cite news|title=NLRB Rule to Hit Glimco|work=Chicago Tribune|date=May 19, 1961}} The NLRB also consolidated the ULP case with the election petition, held that Glimco and Local 777 had used coercion against DUOC in the election drive, and ordered Glimco again to refund dues to Yellow and Checker cab drivers.

As the NLRB edged closer to setting an election date, Glimco asked a court on June 15 to halt the election, but the NLRB reiterated its intention to hold an election seven days later.{{cite news|title=Glimco Asks Court to Stop Cab Election|work=Chicago Tribune|date=June 16, 1961}}; {{cite news|title=Order NLRB Vote of Taxi Drivers Here|work=Chicago Tribune|date=June 23, 1961}} On June 26, the NLRB said the election would be held on July 19.{{cite news|title=NLRB Election in Taxi Union Is Set July 19|work=Chicago Tribune|date=June 27, 1961}} On July 7, the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals turned down Glimco's plea for a delay.{{cite news|title=Deny Glimco Bid to Halt Union Ballot|work=Chicago Tribune|date=July 8, 1961}} As the election neared, Glimco spent more than $250,000 to sway members, and Abata and other DUOC leaders were put under a 24-hour police guard after "labor sluggers" began following them.{{cite news|title=Hoffa Sending His Sluggers to Aid Glimco|work=Chicago Tribune|date=July 13, 1961}} DUOC had few funds to run a campaign, and Abata mortgaged his home and borrowed money to finance his campaign. Jimmy Hoffa declared his support for Glimco on July 13, and reiterated it the day before the election.{{cite news|title=Glimco Will Win, Predicts Jimmy Hoffa|work=Chicago Tribune|date=July 18, 1961}} He also sent numerous Teamsters staff into Chicago, ordering them to do everything possible to support Glimco and Local 777. To prevent even the appearance of intimidation during the voting, the NLRB election officer refused to allow Chicago police inside the buildings where the taxi drivers would be voting.{{cite news|title=Police Barred At Taxi Voting|work=Chicago Tribune|date=July 14, 1961}} On July 15, Glimco filed an appeal with the U.S. Supreme Court to stop the election; it was the first time in American history the high court had been asked to block a union representation election.{{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=Glimco Makes Two Moves to Block NLRB Election|work=Chicago Tribune|date=July 15, 1961}} Glimco also filed an emergency petition with the NLRB seeking a halt to the election plans. Hoffa came to Chicago on July 16 to campaign on Glimco's behalf. On July 17, Illinois Democratic Senator Paul Douglas endorsed Abata. The same day, U.S. Supreme Court Associate Justice Tom C. Clark and the NLRB denied Glimco's petitions.{{cite news|title=Glimco Denied Stay; Cabbies Vote Today|work=Chicago Tribune|date=July 19, 1961}} On election day, the Chicago police ordered extra patrols in areas where balloting was occurring, and the NLRB banned electioneering near polling places.

On July 19, more than 5,000 cab drivers and cab company mechanics in four bargaining units voted 3,122 to 1,760 to oust Local 777 and seek representation by DUOC.{{cite news|title=CHICAGO CAB MEN TURN DOWN HOFFA; Drivers Pick Reform Local as Bargaining Agent|author=Associated Press|work=The New York Times|access-date=April 6, 2020|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1961/07/20/archives/chicago-cab-men-turn-down-hoffa-drivers-pick-reform-local-as.html|date=July 20, 1961}}{{cite news|title=Rebel Union Beats Glimco|work=Chicago Tribune|date=July 20, 1961}}

Glimco blamed the election loss on Senator Douglas' July 17 comments.{{cite news|author-link=Thomas Powers|last=Powers|first=Thomas|title=Glimco, Hoffa Blame Defeat Upon Douglas|work=Chicago Tribune|date=July 21, 1961}} Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy, the Illinois Federation of Labor, and the Chicago Crime Commission hailed the election as a blow to mob dominance of Chicago unions.{{cite news|last=Smith|first=Sandy|title=Glimco's Defeat Big Blow to Mob|work=Chicago Tribune|date=July 21, 1961}} The loss also weakened Glimco's position in the mob. In part, this was also due to external events beyond his control. Glimco's chief patron in the Chicago Outfit, Louis Campagna, had retired around 1950. Murray "The Camel" Humphreys tried to oversee Glimco's activities after Campagna's departure but had been forced out of the labor rackets by his fellow mobsters in 1953. Over the next few years, Humphreys continued to accuse Glimco of picking fights with other gangsters. Campagna died of a heart attack in Florida in 1955.{{cite news|title=CAPONE GANGSTER DEAD IN FLORIDA; Little New York' Campagna Stricken at Sea -- Found Guilty Here in '43|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1955/05/31/archives/capone-gangster-dead-in-florida-little-new-york-campagna-stricken.html|work=The New York Times|date=May 31, 1955|access-date=April 6, 2020}} That left Glimco with no patron in the mob. With the election loss, Humphreys and other top Chicago Outfit leaders now began considering ousting Glimco in favor of mobsters like Gus Zapas (a Hoffa aide), Rudy Fratto (another Hoffa associate), and Carl Hildebrand (a Humphreys protégé).

Glimco immediately began to fight to regain control of the rebel cab drivers and mechanics. A legal strategy was planned which would overturn the election on the grounds that the NLRB election agents were biased.{{cite news|title=Glimco Plans Strategy For Fight on Vote|work=Chicago Tribune|date=July 22, 1961}} This strategy failed when the NLRB's regional office denied his appeal in August 1961.{{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=Glimco Loses His Protest In NLRB Election|work=Chicago Tribune|date=August 11, 1961}} A further appeal to the national NLRB also failed.{{cite news|title=PLEA BY TEAMSTERS FAILS IN TAXI CASE|work=The New York Times|date=September 13, 1961|access-date=April 6, 2020|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1961/09/13/archives/plea-by-teamsters-fails-in-taxi-case.html}} Local 777 also tried to continue to deduct dues from the breakaway workers even though it no longer represented them.{{cite news|title=Glimco Tries to Grab Dues From Cabbies|work=Chicago Tribune|date=July 26, 1961}} Organizing new workers into the union was another aspect of the strategy to improve Glimco's standing in the union and the Chicago Outfit. Under his direction, Local 777 launched an organizing drive among suburban Chicago cab drivers in August 1961.{{cite news|last=Smith|first=Sandy|title=Glimco Recruits New Union|work=Chicago Tribune|date=August 2, 1961}}; {{cite news|title=Glimco's Expansion Plans Disturb Suburb Cabbies|work=Chicago Tribune|date=August 3, 1961}}

The success of the Checker and Yellow cab drivers had ramifications beyond Local 777. Truck drivers dissatisfied with the Teamsters union considered forming an independent union under DUOC's leadership.{{cite news|title=Cabbies' Teamster Revolt Spreads to Truck Drivers|work=Chicago Tribune|date=August 9, 1961}} In mid-August, cab drivers in St. Louis, Missouri, disaffiliated from the Teamsters,{{cite news|title=St. Louis Cab Drivers Sever Teamster Ties|work=Chicago Tribune|date=August 18, 1961}} and disaffiliation efforts began in several truck drivers' locals throughout the Midwest.{{cite news|title=Truck Driver Rebels Begin Teamster War|work=Chicago Tribune|date=August 24, 1961}} Glimco needed to strengthen his control in Chicago in order to discourage the rebellions, or else the Chicago Outfit would remove him from power.

Glimco's only remaining tactic was to regain control over the breakaway cab drivers and mechanics via a second union representational organizing election, and that is the strategy he subsequently pursued. The NLRB certified the election results on September 12, 1961; Abata was elected president of the new union 10 days later; and contract talks opened with the employers.{{cite news|title=Upholds Glimco Ouster by Cab Drivers|work=Chicago Tribune|date=September 13, 1961}}; {{cite news|title=Abata Is Elected Union Head; Maps Contract Talks|work=Chicago Tribune|date=September 23, 1961}} DUOC secured a three-year contract in March 1962.{{cite news|title=Taxis In River, Glimco Blaze Stir Union Row|work=Chicago Tribune|date=April 15, 1962}} Glimco declared the DUOC contract to be a sweetheart deal, and sued to prevent it from coming into force.{{cite news|title=Glimco Blasts Daley Strike Interference|work=Chicago Tribune|date=May 10, 1962}}{{cite news|title=JUDGE CALLS F.B.I. IN TAXI UNION FIGHT|work=The New York Times|access-date=April 6, 2020|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1962/04/25/archives/judge-calls-fbi-in-taxi-union-fight.html|date=April 25, 1962}} Despite earlier reluctance to support Abata, the AFL-CIO now embraced his union and granted DUOC charters which helped protect the newly established union from being raided for members by other AFL-CIO unions.{{efn|The Teamsters had been ejected by the AFL-CIO for corruption on December 6, 1957, and thus were not bound by the no-raid protections of the AFL-CIO constitution.{{cite news|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1957/12/04/archives/aflcio-to-go-ahead-with-expulsion-of-teamsters.html|title=A.F.L.-C.I.O. to Go Ahead With Expulsion of Teamsters|work=The New York Times|access-date=April 6, 2020|date=December 4, 1957}}{{cite news|author-link=A. H. Raskin|last=Raskin|first=A. H.|title=Meany Will Drop Teamster Ouster If Hoffa Gets Out|work=The New York Times|date=December 5, 1957}}{{cite news|title=Teamsters Await Expulsion Today|work=The New York Times|date=December 6, 1957}}{{cite news|author-link=A. H. Raskin|last=Raskin|first=A. H.|title=A.F.L.-C.I.O. OUSTS TEAMSTERS UNION BY VOTE OF 5 TO 1; DRAMA AT SESSION A Last-Minute Peace Move Collapses-- Hoffa Defiant Lewis Fight Recalled Roll-Call Vote Taken A.F.L.-C.I.O. to Expel Teamster Union Senate Group Attacked Hoffa Also Accused|work=The New York Times|access-date=April 6, 2020|date=December 7, 1957|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1957/12/07/archives/aflcio-ousts-teamsters-union-by-vote-of-5-to-1-drama-at-session-a.html}}{{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=Probe AFL-CIO Reluctance to Battle Glimco|work=Chicago Tribune|date=September 6, 1959}}{{cite news|title=Abata Seeks AFL-CIO Ties for Cab Union|work=Chicago Tribune|date=October 10, 1961}}{{cite news|last=Zullo|first=Joseph|title=Hoffa Rebels to Get AFL-CIO Charters|work=Chicago Tribune|date=October 12, 1961}}}} Seafarers International Union President Paul Hall agreed (with the backing of the AFL-CIO Executive Council){{cite book|author-link=Charles Brandt|last=Brandt|first=Charles|title=I Heard You Paint Houses: Frank "the Irishman" Sheeran and the Inside Story of the Mafia, the Teamsters, and the Last Ride of Jimmy Hoffa|title-link=I Heard You Paint Houses|location=New York|publisher=Random House, Inc.|year=2004|isbn=1-58642-089-5}} to let DUOC affiliate with his union on January 18, 1962. At the ceremony presenting the charter to DUOC, Local 777 threw up a picket line, taunted Abata and Hall, and then assaulted a police officer. The police hustled the Teamsters members out of the meeting room and advised Abata and Hall to leave. When they did, the picketers assaulted them in the street. Abata and Hall held their own for several minutes until additional police arrived to break up the melee.{{cite news|last=Janson|first=Donald|title=HOFFA MEN FIGHT A.F.L. AIDE IN BAR; Head of Seafarers Clashes With Chicago Teamsters|work=The New York Times|date=January 19, 1962|access-date=April 6, 2020|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1962/01/19/archives/hoffa-men-fight-afl-aide-in-bar-head-of-seafarers-clashes-with.html}}; {{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=Cab Union Foes in Brawl|work=Chicago Tribune|date=January 19, 1962}}; {{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=Blame Glimco Aid in Brawl|work=Chicago Tribune|date=January 20, 1962}}; {{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=Probe Brawl of Union Foes in Rush St. Spa|work=Chicago Tribune|date=January 21, 1962}} The charter presentation incident was only the first of many acts of violence, vandalism, intimidation, coercion, burglary, and bombings that followed over the next three years. DUOC's offices were broken into five days after the charter ceremony.{{cite news|title=Abata Offices Broke Into; Nothing Taken|work=Chicago Tribune|date=January 21, 1962}} Taxicabs driven by DUOC members were stolen, vandalized, set ablaze, and thrown into the Chicago River. Someone attempted to burn down Local 777's offices, and Jimmy Hoffa announced he would have Teamsters organizers ride in DUOC cabs in order to convince them to rejoin the Teamsters. But the Chicago Police Department accused Glimco's supporters of setting the fire and exonerated DUOC supporters of any crimes.{{cite news|title=Morris Rips Joey GLimco in Cab Terror|work=Chicago Tribune|date=April 21, 1962}} Chicago police cars began tailing taxis throughout the city in order to stop the violence, and the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) began a probe into the violence.{{cite news|title=Police Squads Trail Taxis in Effort to Bar Terror|work=Chicago Tribune|date=April 22, 1962}}; {{cite news|title=FBI Entering Taxi Probe|work=Chicago Tribune|date=April 25, 1962}}; {{cite news|title=FBI Opens Quiz in Mystery of Slain Cabbie|work=Chicago Tribune|date=May 8, 1962}} As Glimco's suit against the enforcement of the DUOC contract continued, federal District court judge Julius Howard Miner used the lawsuit as a means of bringing Glimco under the jurisdiction of the court in an attempt to stop the violence.{{cite news|title=Glimco Under Jurisdiction of U.S. Court|work=Chicago Tribune|date=April 28, 1962}}; {{cite news|title=Judge Warns Union Leaders On Taxi War|work=Chicago Tribune|date=June 1, 1962}} DUOC alleged that Local 777 attorneys were corrupt and Glimco tried to have the court void the union shop provisions of the contract as a violation of the Taft-Hartley Act, but in November 1962 Judge Miner ruled that the contract was valid and could be enforced.{{cite news|title=Abata Brands Glimco's Suit 'Harassment'|work=Chicago Tribune|date=June 5, 1962}}; {{cite news|title=Lawyer Suing Abata 'Guest' of Joe Glimco|work=Chicago Tribune|date=June 13, 1962}}; {{cite news|title=Judge Miner Bans Lawyer in Taxi Suit|work=Chicago Tribune|date=June 14, 1962}}; {{cite news|title=N.Y. Attorney Judge Barred Wins Appeal|work=Chicago Tribune|date=July 7, 1962}}; {{cite news|title=Glimco Tries New Tack Against Abata|work=Chicago Tribune|date=July 14, 1962}}; {{cite news|title=Abata's Foes Fail to Block Union Shop|work=Chicago Tribune|date=July 17, 1962}}; {{cite news|title=Judge Denies Plea to Stop Cab Contract|work=Chicago Tribune|date=August 11, 1962}}; {{cite news|title=U.S. Court Refuses Suit by Cab Drivers|work=Chicago Tribune|date=November 20, 1962}} High levels of violence continued throughout the latter half of 1962 and into the summer of 1963.{{cite news|title=Glimco Agent Auto Shot Up Near His Home|work=Chicago Tribune|date=July 21, 1962}}; {{cite news|title=Drivers Block Wildcat Cab Strike Threat|work=Chicago Tribune|date=July 18, 1962}}; {{cite news|title=Drop Charges in Taxi Union Street Fight|work=Chicago Tribune|date=August 9, 1962}}; {{cite news|title='Muscle Man' Arrested in Taxicab Strife|work=Chicago Tribune|date=August 18, 1962}}; {{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=Abata Loses Police Guard After 4 Years|work=Chicago Tribune|date=August 19, 1962}}; {{cite news|title=Taxicab Union Foes Battle Inside Garage|work=Chicago Tribune|date=August 26, 1962}}; {{cite news|title=Abata Struck As Fists Fly on Picket Line|work=Chicago Tribune|date=February 1, 1963}}; {{cite news|title=Size 2 Glimco Pickets After Row at Plant|work=Chicago Tribune|date=February 27, 1963}}; {{cite news|title=Steel Foreman Beaten; Blame Glimco's Aids|work=Chicago Tribune|date=March 30, 1963}}; {{cite news|title=Glimco Union Faces Charge for Beating|work=Chicago Tribune|date=April 5, 1963}}; {{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=Glimco, 3 Taxi Union Aids Fail to Appear at Inquiry|work=Chicago Tribune|date=May 1, 1963}}; {{cite news|title=NLRB Official Rips Glimo's 'Hood Tactics'|work=Chicago Tribune|date=July 26, 1963}}; {{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=Peterson Rips Union Tactics|work=Chicago Tribune|date=July 27, 1963}}; {{cite news|title=3 Glimco Aids Are Arrested|work=Chicago Tribune|date=August 30, 1963}} The violence did not win DUOC members to the Teamsters side, but did lead DUOC members to question Abata's leadership. The violence wound down throughout the latter half of 1963. In November 1963, the NLRB filed ULPs against Local 777, accusing it of intimidation and coercion in the ongoing labor fight—charges Glimco strenuously denied.{{cite news|title=Glimco Files Bias Charge in NLRB Report|work=Chicago Tribune|date=September 12, 1963}}; {{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=NLRB Calls Practices of Glimco's Local Unfair|work=Chicago Tribune|date=November 30, 1963}} On April 17, 1964, despite three months of negotiations between the union and the NLRB, Glimco and Local 777 were found guilty of contempt of court by the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals and ordered to cease and desist all violence, coercion, and intimidation against DUOC.{{cite news|title=Glimco Union Found Guilty of Contempt|work=Chicago Tribune|date=April 17, 1964}} On August 30, 1964, DUOC vice president Everett L. "Red" Clark announced he was running against Dominic Abata for the presidency of DUOC.{{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=Abata Faces Showdown Vote|work=Chicago Tribune|date=August 31, 1964}} Clark won the election held on September 3, 1964, by a vote of 777 to 767.{{cite news|title=2,000 Taxi Drivers Vote in Union Fight|work=Chicago Tribune|date=September 3, 1964}}; {{cite news|title=New Taxi Leader Hails Clean Election|work=Chicago Tribune|date=September 4, 1964}}; {{cite news|title='Loser' Abata Pins Hopes on Union Recount|work=Chicago Tribune|date=September 5, 1964}}; {{cite news|title=Taxi Union's Vote Recount Starts Today|work=Chicago Tribune|date=September 11, 1964}}

Even as Glimco was yet again held in contempt by the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals (and even arrested), he filed for a union representation election in the four DUOC-represented bargaining units in November 1964.{{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=2 Locals Push New War Over Taxi Drivers|work=Chicago Tribune|date=November 2, 1964}}; {{cite news|title=Glimco, Union Held Unfair by U.S. Court|work=Chicago Tribune|date=November 7, 1964}}; {{cite news|title=Teamster Official Arrested|work=The New York Times|date=December 18, 1964|access-date=April 6, 2020|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1964/12/18/archives/teamster-official-arrested.html}}. The indictment on which he was arrested was dismissed in 1965. See: {{cite news|title=Glimco Freed in Labor Law Violation Case|work=Chicago Tribune|date=August 27, 1965}} Stung by criticism over its years-long delay in the previous election filing, the NLRB moved with dispatch and ordered a second representation election in April 1965.{{cite news|title=Order Vote on Glimco Union|work=Chicago Tribune|date=December 22, 1964}}; {{cite news|title=NLRB to Call Vote Between 2 Taxi Unions|work=Chicago Tribune|date=April 3, 1965}}; {{cite news|title=Set Hearing on Cab Union NLRB Ballot|work=Chicago Tribune|date=April 7, 1965}}; {{cite news|title=NLRB Slates Election for Taxicab Union|work=Chicago Tribune|date=April 15, 1965}} But as the May 5 election approached, there were signs that Glimco was losing his hold over Local 777. On April 22, Teamsters Joint Council 25 took control of the Teamsters election campaign and moved the election headquarters out of Local 777's offices.{{cite news|last=Strong|first=James|title=Glimco, Foes Build Up for Cabbie Voting|work=Chicago Tribune|date=April 22, 1965}}; {{cite news|last=Strong|first=James|title=Glimco Takes Back Seat in Cab Election|work=Chicago Tribune|date=April 23, 1965}} The AFL-CIO and Chicago Federation of Labor campaigned heavily for DUOC.{{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=Seafarer Cab Union Backed by Labor Body|work=Chicago Tribune|date=April 27, 1965}}; {{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=Building Union Locals Urged: Aid Teamsters|work=Chicago Tribune|date=April 29, 1965}}; {{cite news|title=Meany Asks Cab Drivers to Back DUOC|work=Chicago Tribune|date=April 30, 1965}} But more than 80 individual CFL unions supported Local 777, as did William McFetridge, the former president of the Service Employees International Union.{{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=CFL Split on Taxi Election|work=Chicago Tribune|date=May 5, 1965}}; {{cite news|title=CHICAGO CABBIES TO CHOOSE UNION; Drivers to Vote Wednesday -- Hoffa Speaks Today|work=The New York Times|date=May 2, 1965|access-date=April 6, 2020|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1965/05/02/archives/chicago-cabbies-to-choose-union-drivers-to-vote-wednesday-hoffa.html}} Both the Seafarers and Teamsters sent large numbers of staff into Chicago to sway votes, and an estimated $250,000 was spent by both sides.{{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=Teamsters Defeated in Cab Vote|work=Chicago Tribune|date=May 6, 1965}} But the 6,000 cab drivers and mechanics voted 3,081 to 1,612 to continue their representation with DUOC.

Glimco's 1959 appearance before the Senate Select Committee on Improper Activities in Labor and Management resulted in his indictment in 1964. The investigation began in the fall of 1961, when federal investigators concluded that Glimco owed $144,000 in back taxes.{{cite news|title=Glimco Faces $144,000 Back Taxes Claim|work=Chicago Tribune|date=September 30, 1961}} A federal grand jury indicted him on 17 counts of income tax evasion on December 17, 1964, to which Glimco pleaded not guilty.{{cite news|title=Federal Jury Indicts Glimco on 17 Counts|work=Chicago Tribune|date=December 18, 1964}}; {{cite news|title=Not Guilty Plea|work=Chicago Tribune|date=January 14, 1965}}; {{cite news|author-link=George William Bliss|last=Bliss|first=George|title=Glimco Told: Pay Taxes on Defense Fund|work=Chicago Tribune|date=January 14, 1966}} After a two-year delay, Glimco went on trial, and on June 19, 1968, a federal district court found him liable for $94,465 in back taxes, fines, and penalties.{{cite news|title=Glimco's Case Meets Delay in Tax Court|work=Chicago Tribune|date=February 16, 1966}}; {{cite news|last=Dombrowski|first=Louis|title=U.S. Tax Court Finds Glimco Owes $145,141|work=Chicago Tribune|date=June 1, 1967}}; {{cite news|title=Glimco Told to Pay $94,465 in Taxes|work=Chicago Tribune|date=June 20, 1968}} Glimco appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court, but the Court rejected his appeal on December 9, 1968.{{cite news|title=Glimco Loses Appeal on Tax|work=Chicago Tribune|date=December 10, 1968}}; {{cite news|title=Court Rebuffs Ex-Teamster|agency=Associated Press|date=December 10, 1968}} Glimco delayed paying the taxes and fines for another year, and in February 1970 the federal government filed suit to seize his home and automobile in order to obtain payment.{{cite news|title=U.S. Files Suit to Seize Glimco's Home, Car|work=Chicago Tribune|date=February 10, 1970}} Glimco agreed to pay the taxes, but did not do so until May 1973 (when the amount, plus interest, equalled more than $200,000).{{cite news|last=Philbrick|first=Richard|title=Glimco to Pay Taxes of $201,080|work=Chicago Tribune|date=May 2, 1973}}

Concurrently with his tax troubles, Glimco was indicted for violations of the Taft-Hartley Act again. On June 1, 1966, a federal grand jury accused him of accepting a sports car, home sprinkler system, frozen turkeys, and other gifts from employers so that he might use his influence in another union's collective bargaining negotiations and secure a better deal for the employers.{{cite news|last=O'Brien|first=John|title=Jury Indicst Glimco, 2 for Costly Gifts|work=Chicago Tribune|date=June 2, 1966}}; {{cite news|title=Indicted Teamster Gives Up|agency=Associated Press|date=June 3, 1966}} Glimco pleaded not guilty.{{cite news|title=Glimco Has Busy Day—2 Court Dates|work=Chicago Tribune|date=September 16, 1966}} Initially, Glimco also claimed that since the prior indictments on the charges had been dismissed in 1957 because they had been improperly drawn, he should not stand trial on the redrawn indictment either. But a federal court disagreed in April 1967.{{cite news|title=Glimco to Stand Trial|work=Chicago Tribune|date=April 5, 1967}} More than 22 delays were permitted by the court during Glimco's subsequent trial, but on February 4, 1969, he changed his plea to guilty and agreed to a $40,000 fine—the most severe penalty permitted by the Taft-Hartley Act.{{cite news|title=Court Rules Glimco Must Stand Trial|work=Chicago Tribune|date=September 26, 1967}}; {{cite news|title=Judge Delays Glimco Case for 22d Time|work=Chicago Tribune|date=May 25, 1968}}; {{cite news|title=Glimco Tells Guilt; Gets $40,000 Fine|work=Chicago Tribune|date=February 5, 1969}}; {{cite news|title=Teamster Leader Is Fined $40,000 in Bribery Case|work=The New York Times|date=February 5, 1969|access-date=April 6, 2020|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1969/02/05/archives/teamster-leader-is-fined-40000-in-bribery-case.html}}

Glimco's authority within the Teamsters suffered a significant blow after the second election loss. Teamsters President Jimmy Hoffa considered removing him as Local 777 president.{{cite news|title=Labor in Chicago Gears For Fight|work=The New York Times|date=May 9, 1965}} But although Glimco remained president of Local 777, his power within the Teamsters and the Chicago Outfit was broken and he largely dropped from public sight after 1965. Nevertheless, he still remained involved with the Chicago Outfit.{{cite news|last=Jackson|first=Robert L.|title=Court-Appointed Overseer Seeks to Oust 10 Veteran Officers of Teamsters Union|work=Los Angeles Times|date=December 6, 1989|url=https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1989-12-06-mn-103-story.html|access-date=April 6, 2020}} In 1970, Senator John McClellan sponsored and the Congress passed the Organized Crime Control Act, a law crafted partly in response to the difficulty law enforcement officials had in breaking Glimco's hold on the Chicago taxi drivers' union.{{cite news|last=Warden|first=Philip|title=Senate OK's Crime Bill|work=Chicago Tribune|date=January 24, 1970}}; {{cite book|last1=Kelly|first1=Robert J.|last2=Chin|first2=Ko-lin|last3=Schatzberg|first3=Rufus|title=Handbook of Organized Crime in the United States|location=Santa Barbara, Calif.|publisher=Greenwood Publishing Group|year=1994|isbn=0-313-28366-4}}; {{cite book|last1=Williams|first1=Nancy A.|last2=Whayne|first2=Jeannie M.|title=Arkansas Biography: A Collection of Notable Lives|location=Little Rock, Ark.|publisher=University of Arkansas Press|year=2000|isbn=1-55728-587-X}} Glimco made a rare public appearance in 1972 when he attended the funeral of Paul Ricca.{{cite news|last=O'Brien|first=John|title=Mafia Families Among 200 at Mob Chief Ricca's Wake|work=Chicago Tribune|date=October 13, 1972}}

Glimco's legal troubles dogged him until his death. The lawsuits over the misuse of Local 777's pension and welfare fund did not end until June 1977, making it one of the longest-running lawsuits in Chicago court history.{{cite news|last1=Mount|first1=Charles|last2=Juneau|first2=William|title=Lengthy Cab Fund Fight Ends in Court Settlement|work=Chicago Tribune|date=June 23, 1977}} The final charges against him came in 1989. In March 1989, the Teamsters settled a long-running labor racketeering lawsuit brought by the U.S. Department of Justice and agreed to be supervised by an Independent Review Board (IRB) and staff of monitors in order to avoid being taken over by the federal government.{{cite news|last=Ruben|first=George|access-date=April 6, 2020|url=https://www.questia.com/library/journal/1G1-7696403/charges-against-teamsters-resolved|title=Charges against Teamsters Resolved|work=Monthly Labor Review|year=1989}} {{cite news|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1989/03/14/us/us-and-teamsters-reach-accord-that-avoids-a-racketeering-trial.html|title=U.S. and Teamsters Reach Accord That Avoids A Racketeering Trial|work=The New York Times|date=March 14, 1989|last=Glaberson|first=William|access-date=April 6, 2020}} {{cite news|title=Judge Approves Accord Settling Teamsters Suit|work=The New York Times|date=March 15, 1989|url=https://www.nytimes.com/1989/03/15/us/judge-approves-accord-settling-teamsters-suit.html|last=Gaberson|first=William|access-date=April 6, 2020}} {{cite book|last=Dean|first=Andrew B.|title=Note: An Offer the Teamsters Couldn't Refuse: The 1989 Consent Decree Establishing Federal Oversight and Ending Mechanisms|publisher=Columbia Law Review|year=2000}} In December 1989, one of the federal monitors sought to remove Glimco from the union due to his lengthy and ongoing involvement with organized crime.{{cite news|last=Franklin|first=Stephen|title=More Teamster Officials Accused of Misconduct|work=Chicago Tribune|date=October 3, 1991}}

These charges against Glimco were still pending when he died at MacNeal Hospital in Berwyn, Illinois on April 28, 1991. Glimco is buried in Queen of Heaven Cemetery, Hillside, Illinois.

His wife survived him and died in 1999.

Glimco is portrayed in Martin Scorsese's film The Irishman (2019), by Bo Dietl.

{{Notes}}

{{reflist}}

{{Chicago Outfit}}

{{American Mafia}}

{{Authority control}}

{{DEFAULTSORT:Glimco, Joseph}}

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