Ethnocracy

{{original research|date=January 2025}}

In the 20th century, a few states passed (or attempted to pass) nationality laws through efforts that share certain similarities. All took place in countries with at least one national minority that sought full equality in the state or in a territory that had become part of the state and in which it had lived for generations. Nationality laws were passed in societies that felt threatened by these minorities' aspirations of integration and demands for equality, resulting in regimes that turned xenophobia into major tropes. These laws were grounded in one ethnic identity, defined in contrast to the identity of the other, leading to persecution of and codified discrimination against minorities.{{cite news |last=Blatman|first=Daniel|author-link1=Daniel Blatman|url=http://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-1.628683|title=The 'Nation-state' Bill: Jews Should Know Exactly Where It Leads|newspaper=Haaretz|date=27 November 2014|access-date=4 December 2015}}

Research shows that several spheres of control are vital for ethnocratic regimes, including of the armed forces, police, land administration, immigration and economic development. These powerful government instruments may ensure domination by the leading ethnic groups and the stratification of society into 'ethnoclasses' (exacerbated by 20th century capitalism's typically neo-liberal policies). Ethnocracies often manage to contain ethnic conflict in the short term by effective control over minorities and by effectively using the 'thin' procedural democratic façade. However, they tend to become unstable in the longer term, suffering from repeated conflict and crisis, which are resolved by either substantive democratization, partition, or regime devolution into consociational arrangements. Alternatively, ethnocracies that do not resolve their internal conflict may deteriorate into periods of long-term internal strife and the institutionalization of structural discrimination (such as apartheid).

In ethnocratic states, the government is typically representative of a particular ethnic group, which holds a disproportionately large number of posts. The dominant ethnic group (or groups) uses them to advance the position of their particular ethnic group(s) to the detriment of others.{{cite journal |last1=Yiftachel |first1=Oren |author-link=Oren Yiftachel |year=1997 |title=Israeli Society and Jewish-Palestinian Reconciliation: Ethnocracy and Its Territorial Contradictions |journal=Middle East Journal |volume=51 |issue=4 |pages=505–519}}{{cite journal |last1=Yiftachel |first1=Oren |title='Ethnocracy': The Politics of Judaizing Israel/Palestine |journal=Constellations |date=2008 |volume=6 |issue=3 |pages=364–390 |doi=10.1111/1467-8675.00151}}{{Cite journal |last1=Yiftachel |first1=Oren |last2=Ghanem |first2=As’ad |date=2004 |title=Understanding 'ethnocratic' regimes: the politics of seizing contested territories |url=https://linkinghub.elsevier.com/retrieve/pii/S0962629804000423 |journal=Political Geography |language=en |volume=23 |issue=6 |pages=647–676 |doi=10.1016/j.polgeo.2004.04.003|url-access=subscription }}Yiftachel, O. (2006). Ethnocracy: Land, and the Politics of Identity Israel/Palestine. PennPress. Other ethnic groups are systematically discriminated against and may face repression or violations of their human rights at the hands of state organs. Ethnocracy can also be a political regime instituted on the basis of qualified rights to citizenship, with ethnic affiliation (defined in terms of race, descent, religion, or language) as the distinguishing principle.Kariye, Badal W. (2010). The Political Sociology of Security, Politics, Economics and Diplomacy. AuthorHouse. {{ISBN|9781452085470}}, p. 99, item 20. Generally, the {{Lang|fr|raison d'être}} of an ethnocratic government is to secure the most important instruments of state power in the hands of a specific ethnic collectivity. All other considerations concerning the distribution of power are ultimately subordinated to this basic intention.{{citation needed|date=December 2015}}

Ethnocracies are characterized by their control system – the legal, institutional, and physical instruments of power deemed necessary to secure ethnic dominance. The degree of system discrimination will tend to vary greatly from case to case and from situation to situation. If the dominant group (whose interests the system is meant to serve and whose identity it is meant to represent) constitutes a small minority (typically 20% or less) of the population within the state territory, substantial institutionalized suppression will probably be necessary to sustain its control.

One view is that the most effective means of eliminating ethnic discrimination vary depending on the specific situation. In the Caribbean, a "rainbow nationalism" type of non-ethnic, inclusive civic nationalism has been developed as a way to eliminate ethnic power hierarchies over time. (Although Creole peoples are central in the Caribbean, Eric Kauffman warns against conflating the presence of a dominant ethnicity in such countries with ethnic nationalism.{{cite journal|title=Reply: on the importance of distinguishing dominant ethnicity from nationalism|last1=Kaufmann |first1=Eric |last2=Haklai |first2=Oded|journal=Nations and Nationalism|date=October 2008|volume=14|number=4|pages=813–816|doi=10.1111/j.1469-8129.2008.00375.x}})

Andreas Wimmler notes that a non-ethnic federal system without minority rights has helped Switzerland to avoid ethnocracy but that this did not help in overcoming ethnic discrimination when introduced in Bolivia. Likewise, ethnic federalism "produced benign results in India and Canada" but did not work in Nigeria and Ethiopia.{{Cite journal|title=Review symposium: The left-Herderian ontology of multiculturalism|last=Wimmer |first=Andreas|journal=Ethnicities|date=June 2008|volume=8|number=2|pages=254–260|doi=10.1177/14687968080080020102|s2cid=143689399|url=https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00571895/file/PEER_stage2_10.1177%252F14687968080080020102.pdf}} Edward E. Telles notes that anti-discrimination legislation may not work as well in Brazil as in the U.S. at addressing ethnoracial inequalities, since much of the discrimination that occurs in Brazil is class-based, and Brazilian judges and police often ignore laws that are intended to benefit non-elites.{{Cite book |last=Telles |first=Edward E. |author-link=Edward Telles |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt6wpzpb |title=Race in Another America: The Significance of Skin Color in Brazil |date=2014-04-24 |publisher=Princeton University Press |isbn=978-1-4008-3743-4 |doi=10.2307/j.ctt6wpzpb |jstor=j.ctt6wpzpb}}

In October 2012, Lise Morjé Howard{{Cite journal |last=Howard |first=Lise Morjé |author-link=Lise Morjé Howard |date=2012 |title=The Ethnocracy Trap |url=https://muse.jhu.edu/article/487792 |journal=Journal of Democracy |language=en |volume=23 |issue=4 |pages=155–169 |doi=10.1353/jod.2012.0068 |issn=1086-3214 |s2cid=145795576|url-access=subscription }} introduced the terms mono-ethnocracy and poly-ethnocracy. Mono-ethnocracy is a type of regime where one ethnic group dominates, which conforms with the traditional understanding of ethnocracy. Poly-ethnocracy is a type of regime where more than one ethnic group governs the state. Both mono- and poly-ethnocracy are types of ethnocracy. Ethnocracy is founded on the assumptions that ethnic groups are primordial, ethnicity is the basis of political identity, and citizens rarely sustain multiple ethnic identities.{{citation needed|date=December 2015}}

{{incomplete list|date=April 2024}}

{{See also|Israeli apartheid}}

Israel has been labeled an ethnocracy by scholars such as Alexandre Kedar,{{cite book |last=Rosen-Zvi |first=Issachar |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=GFaprMmLaOIC&q=Alexander+Kedar+ethnocracy&pg=PA48 |title=Taking space seriously: law, space, and society in contemporary Israel |publisher=Ashgate Publishing |year=2004 |isbn=978-0754623519}} Shlomo Sand,{{cite news |last=Strenger |first=Carlo |date=27 November 2009 |title=Shlomo Sand's 'The Invention of the Jewish People' Is a Success for Israel |url=http://www.haaretz.com/blogs/strenger-than-fiction/shlomo-sand-s-the-invention-of-the-jewish-people-is-a-success-for-israel-1.3247 |access-date=13 December 2015 |newspaper=Haaretz}} Oren Yiftachel,{{cite book |last=Yiftachel |first=Oren |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=VD082HtsKRsC&q=Ethnocracy%3A+Land+and+Identity+Politics+in+Israel%2FPalestine |title=Ethnocracy: Land and Identity Politics in Israel/Palestine |publisher=University of Pennsylvania Press |year=2006 |isbn=978-0812239270}} Asaad Ghanem,{{cite book |last1=Peleg |first1=Ilan |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=oIi3BK_mT5YC&q=It+can+be+defined+as+an+ethnocratic+state+Asaad+Ghanem+in+the+Future+Vision+Document&pg=PA73 |title=Israel's Palestinians: The Conflict Within |last2=Waxman |first2=Dov |publisher=Cambridge University Press |year=2011 |isbn=978-0521157025 |page=73 |quote=It can be defined as an ethnocratic state [...]," writes Asaad Ghanem in the Future Vision Document}}{{cite journal |author=Anat First |author2=Eli Avraham |year=2004 |title=Globalization/Americanization and Negotiating National Dreams: Representations of Culture and Economy in Israeli Advertising |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=82kuAQAAIAAJ&q=ethnocracy+%22ethnic+democracy%22 |journal=Israel Studies Forum |publisher=Association for Israel Studies |volume=22–23 |issue=1 |pages=72 |jstor=41804965}} Haim Yakobi,{{cite book |last1=Roy |first1=Ananya |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=RxAGdfEiIXEC&q=ethnocracy+israel&pg=PA209 |title=Urban Informality: Transnational Perspectives from the Middle East, Latin America, and South Asia |last2=Nezar |first2=AlSayyad |publisher=Lexington Books |year=2003 |isbn=978-0739107416}} Nur Masalha{{cite book |last=Masalha |first=Nur |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=LAUeWo8NDK4C&q=ethnocracy+israel&pg=PA297 |title=The Bible and Zionism: Invented Traditions, Archaeology and Post-colonialism in Palestine-Israel |publisher=Zed Books |year=2003 |isbn=978-1842777619 |volume=1}} and Hannah Naveh.{{cite book |last=Naveh |first=Hannah |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=KR63AAAAIAAJ&q=ethnocracy+israel |title=Israeli Family and Community: Women's Time |publisher=Vallentine Mitchell |year=2003 |isbn=978-0853035053}} It is also viewed by some, controversially as an apartheid state by various organisations, including B'Tselem, Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, due to actions committed against Palestinians that they see as emblematic of such a state.{{Cite web |date=April 27, 2021 |title=Israeli Authorities and the Crimes of Apartheid and Persecution |url=https://www.hrw.org/report/2021/04/27/threshold-crossed/israeli-authorities-and-crimes-apartheid-and-persecution |website=Human Rights Watch}}{{Cite web |date=January 12, 2021 |title=A regime of Jewish supremacy from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea: This is apartheid |url=https://www.btselem.org/publications/fulltext/202101_this_is_apartheid |website=B'Tselem}}{{Cite web |date=2022-02-01 |title=Israel's apartheid against Palestinians |url=https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/campaigns/2022/02/israels-system-of-apartheid/ |access-date=2023-12-05 |website=Amnesty International |language=en}}

However, some scholars such as Gershon Shafir, Yoav Peled and Sammy Smooha prefer the term ethnic democracy to describe Israel,Uri Ram, [https://books.google.com/books?id=0JctCgAAQBAJ&pg=PA66 Nationalism: Social conflicts and the politics of knowledge,] Taylor & Francis, 2010 pp.63-67. which is intendedMichael Galchinsky, [https://books.google.com/books?id=IUUuFeeM1OwC&pg=PA144 Jews and Human Rights: Dancing at Three Weddings,] Rowman & Littlefield, 2008 p.144 to represent a "middle ground" between an ethnocracy and a liberal democracy. Smooha in particular argues that ethnocratic democracies, allowing a privileged status to a dominant ethnic majority while ensuring that all individuals have equal rights, are defensible. His opponents reply that insofar as Israel contravenes equality in practice, the term 'democratic' in his equation is flawed.Katie Attwell, [https://books.google.com/books?id=tLKYBgAAQBAJ&pg=PA74 Israeli National Identity and Dissidence: The Contradictions of Zionism and Resistance,] Palgrave Macmillan, 2015 p.26.

In 2018, Israel passed the Nation-State Bill which declared that "The right to exercise national self-determination in the State of Israel is unique to the Jewish people." The law also changed the status of Arabic, from an official language to a language with a special status, with Hebrew remaining the sole official language of Israel.

There is a spectrum of opinion among authors as to the classification of Latvia and Estonia, spanning from liberal democracy{{cite book |last1=Pickles |first1=John |title=Theorising transition: the political economy of post-Communist transformations |last2=Smith |first2=Adrian |publisher=Taylor & Francis |year=1998 |page=284}}{{cite book |last=Jubulis |first=M. |title=The Politics of Citizenship and Language in Post-Soviet Latvia |publisher=University Press of America |year=2001 |location=Lanham, New York and Oxford |pages=201–208 |chapter=Nationalism and Democratic Transition}} through ethnic democracy[http://www.developmentandtransition.net/index.cfm?module=ActiveWeb&page=WebPage&DocumentID=586 Discrimination against the Russophone Minority in Estonia and Latvia] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20080504025222/http://www.developmentandtransition.net/index.cfm?module=ActiveWeb&page=WebPage&DocumentID=586|date=2008-05-04}} – synopsis of article published in the Journal of Common Market Studies (November 2005) to ethnocracy. Will Kymlicka regards Estonia as a democracy, stressing the peculiar status of Russian-speakers as stemming from being at once partly transients, partly immigrants and partly natives.{{cite book |last=Kymlicka |first=Will |title=Estonia's Integration Landscape: From Apathy to Harmony |year=2000 |pages=29–57 |chapter=Estonia's Integration Policies in a Comparative Perspective}}

British researcher Neil Melvin concludes that Estonia is moving towards a genuinely pluralist democratic society through its liberalization of citizenship and active drawing of leaders of the Russian settler communities into the political process.{{cite book |last=Melvin |first=N. J. |title=The Policies of National Minority Participation Post-Communist Europe. State-Building, Democracy and Ethnic Mobilisation |publisher=EastWest Institute |year=2000 |editor-last=Stein |editor-first=J. P. |page=160 |chapter=Post imperial Ethnocracy and the Russophone Minorities of Estonia and Latvia}} James Hughes, in the United Nations Development Programme's Development and Transition, contends Latvia and Estonia are cases of 'ethnic democracy', where the state has been captured by the titular ethnic group and then used to promote 'nationalising' policies and alleged discrimination against Russophone minorities. (Development and Transition has also published papers disputing Hughes' contentions.)

Israeli researchers Oren Yiftachel and As'ad Ghanem consider Estonia an ethnocracy.{{cite journal |last1=Yiftachel |first1=Oren |first2=As'ad |last2=Ghanem |date=August 2004 |title=Understanding 'ethnocratic' regimes: the politics of seizing contested territories |journal=Political Geography |volume=23 |issue=6 |pages=647–676 |doi=10.1016/j.polgeo.2004.04.003}}{{cite web |last=Yiftachel |first=Oren |date=23 January 2004 |title=Ethnocratic States and Spaces |url=http://www.usip.org/events/ethnocratic-states-and-spaces |archive-url=https://archive.today/20090715194254/http://www.usip.org/events/ethnocratic-states-and-spaces |url-status=dead |archive-date=July 15, 2009 |access-date=2009-10-18 |publisher=United States Institute of Peace}} Israeli sociologist Sammy Smooha, of the University of Haifa, disagrees with Yiftachel, contending that the ethnocratic model developed by Yiftachel does not fit the case of Latvia and Estonia: they are not settler societies as their core ethnic groups are indigenous, nor did they expand territorially, nor have diasporas intervening in their internal affairs (as in the case of Israel for which Yiftachel originally developed his model).

Lise Morjé Howard has labeled Belgium as both a poly-ethnocracy and a democracy. Citizens in Belgium exercise political rights found in democracies, such as voting and free speech. However, Belgian politics is increasingly defined by ethnic divisions between the Flemish and Francophone communities. For example, all but one of the major political parties are formed around either a Flemish or Francophone identity.

{{See also|2018 anti-ICERD rally}}

Malaysia has been labeled as a pro-Bumiputera/Malay ethnocracy by various academics due to the Article 153 of the Constitution of Malaysia, as well as the Ketuanan Melayu (Malay supremacy) ideology, which gives them more economic, political and social rights over the Malaysian minorities such as the Malaysian Chinese and Malaysian Indians, who are treated as de facto second-class citizens.{{cite web |last1=Chew |first1=Amy |title=Malaysia's dangerous racial and religious trajectory |url=https://www.lowyinstitute.org/the-interpreter/malaysia-s-dangerous-racial-and-religious-trajectory |access-date=11 November 2021}}{{Cite book |author=Amy L. Freedman |title=Political Participation and Ethnic Minorities: Chinese Overseas in Malaysia, Indonesia, and the United States |publisher=Routledge |year=2000 |isbn=978-0-415-92446-7 |page=74}}

According to academic Alana Tiemessen in 2004, Rwanda's president Paul Kagame and his Rwandan Patriotic Front political party have "been characterised inside and outside of Rwanda as a militarised ethnocracy that propagates the survival of Tutsis over the well-being of Hutus".{{cite journal |last=Tiemessen |first=Alana Erin |date=2004 |title=After Arusha: Gacaca Justice in Post-Genocide Rwanda |url=https://asq.africa.ufl.edu/tiemessen_fall04/ |volume=8 |page=66 |number=1}} In 2024, The New York Times noted that critics contended that members of the Tutsi ethnic group "dominate[d] the top echelons" of Rwanda's government under Kagame, thereby excluding Hutus and their 85% of the country's population.{{cite news |last=Walsh |first=Declan |date=2024-04-06 |title=From the Horror to the Envy of Africa: Rwanda's Leader Holds Tight Grip |url=https://www.nytimes.com/2024/04/06/world/africa/rwanda-genocide-anniversary.html |newspaper=The New York Times}} Prior to the 1990–1994 Rwanda Civil War and 1994 Rwandan genocide, Rwanda had been ruled by a Hutu ethnocracy since 1959.{{Cite book |last=Young |first=Crawford |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=rX7sqS3YR_AC&pg=PA205 |title=The Postcolonial State in Africa: Fifty Years of Independence, 1960–2010 |date=2012-11-20 |publisher=University of Wisconsin Pres |isbn=978-0-299-29143-3 |page=205 |language=en}}

Turkey is described as an ethnocracy by multiple scholars.{{Cite journal |date=2025 |editor-last=Dinç |editor-first=Pınar |editor2-last=Hünler |editor2-first=Olga Selin |title=The Republic of Turkey and its Unresolved Issues |url=https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-981-96-1583-4 |journal=SpringerLink |language=en |pages=20 |doi=10.1007/978-981-96-1583-4 |quote=Turkey has been from its inception, and is today, an “ethnocracy” (Anderson, 2016; Yiftachel, 2006).}}{{cite thesis |last=Azgın |first=Bilge |title=The Uneasy Democratization of Turkey's Laic-Ethnocracy |date=2012 |type=PhD |publisher=University of Manchester |url=https://research.manchester.ac.uk/en/studentTheses/the-uneasy-democratization-of-turkeys-laic-ethnocracy}}{{Cite journal |last1=Waxman |first1=Dov |last2=Peleg |first2=Ilan |date=2008-12-01 |title=Neither Ethnocracy nor Bi-Nationalism: In Search of the Middle Ground |url=https://www.berghahnjournals.com/view/journals/israel-studies-review/23/2/isf230203.xml |journal=Israel Studies Review |language=en-US |volume=23 |issue=2 |pages=55–73 |doi=10.3167/isf.2008.230203 |issn=2159-0370 |url-access=subscription |quote="An “ethnocratic state,” according to Ghanem is one that is controlled by one ethnic group and that operates in the interests of that dominant ethnic group. Other states that Ghanem labels ethnocratic states are Turkey, Sri Lanka, Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia."}}{{Cite web |last=Fiddian-Qasmiyeh |first=Elena |last2=Eliassi |first2=Barzoo |title=How likely is civil war in Turkey? |url=https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/how-likely-is-civil-war-in-turkey/ |access-date=2025-06-04 |website=openDemocracy |language=en |quote=...Turkey’s principle of political organization is best categorized as an ethnocracy: it ethnicizes citizenship and stipulates rights on ethnic bases...In contrast, the Kurdish movement opposes the national order where ethnic Turks are perceived to be the masters of the state and enjoy the dominant position through determining conditions of belonging to the state, and the distribution of rights and resources.}} Nationalism, has functioned as a dominant ideological framework in Turkey, enabling the marginalization of three officially recognized non-Muslim minorities—the Greeks, Armenians, and Jews—as well as the assimilation, colonial subjugation, and at times ethnic cleansing of non-Turkish Muslim groups.

Bilge Azgın points to government policies whose goals are the "exclusion, marginalization, or assimilation" of minority groups that are non-Turkish as the defining elements of Turkish ethnocracy. Jack Fong describes Turkey's policy of referring to its Kurdish minority as "mountain Turks" and its refusal to acknowledge any separate Kurdish identity as elements of the Turkish ethnocracy.{{cite book |last=Fong |first=Jack |title=Revolution as Development: The Karen Self-Determination Struggle Against Ethnocracy (1949- 2004) |publisher=Universal-Publishers |year=2008 |page=81}}

{{See also|Apartheid}}

Until 1994, South Africa had institutionalized a highly ethnocratic state structure, apartheid. In his 1985 book Power-Sharing in South Africa,{{cite book |last=Lijphart |first=Arend |url=https://archive.org/details/powersharinginso00lijp/page/5 |title=Power-sharing in South Africa |publisher=Institute of International Studies, University of California |year=1985 |isbn=0-87725-524-5 |series=Policy Papers in International Affairs, No. 24 |location=Berkeley |pages=[https://archive.org/details/powersharinginso00lijp/page/5 5] |url-access=registration}} Arend Lijphart classified contemporaneous constitutional proposals to address the resulting conflict into four categories:

• majoritarian (one man, one vote)
• non-democratic (varieties of white domination)
• partitionist (creating new political entities)
• consociational (power-sharing by proportional representation and elite accommodation)

These illustrate the idea that state power can be distributed along two dimensions: legal-institutional and territorial. Along the legal-institutional dimension are singularism (power centralised according to membership in a specific group), pluralism (power distribution among defined groups according to relative numerical strength), and universalism (power distribution without any group-specific qualifications). On the territorial dimension are the unitary state, "intermediate restructuring" (within one formal sovereignty), and partition (creating separate political entities). Lijphart had argued strongly in favour of the consociational model.

{{See also|Segregation in Northern Ireland}}

Northern Ireland has been described as an ethnocracy by numerous scholars. Wendy Pullan describes gerrymandering of electoral districts to ensure Unionist domination and informal policies that led to the police force being overwhelmingly Protestant as features of the Unionist ethnocracy. Other elements included discriminatory housing and policies designed to encourage Catholic emigration.{{cite book |last=Pullan |first=Wendy |title=Locating Urban Conflicts: Ethnicity, Nationalism and the Everyday |publisher=Palgrave Macmillan |year=2013 |pages=208–209}} Ian Shuttleworth, Myles Gould and Paul Barr agree that the systematic bias against Catholics and Irish nationalists fit the criteria for describing Northern Ireland as an ethnocracy from the time of the partition of Ireland until at least 1972, but argue that after the suspension of the Stormont Parliament, and even more so after the Good Friday Agreement in 1998, ethnocracy was weakened, and that Northern Ireland cannot be plausibly described as an ethnocracy today.{{cite book |last=Shuttleworth |first=Ian |title=Social-Spatial Segregation: Concepts, Processes and Outcomes |publisher=Policy Press |year=2015 |pages=201–202}}

Uganda under dictator Idi Amin Dada has been described as an ethnocracy favouring certain indigenous groups over others, as well as for the ethnic cleansing of Indians in Uganda by Amin.{{cite journal |last1=Yeager |first1=Rodger |last2=Mazrui |first2=Ali A. |date=1977 |title=Soldiers and Kinsmen in Uganda: The Making of a Military Ethnocracy |journal=The International Journal of African Historical Studies |volume=10 |issue=2 |pages=289 |doi=10.2307/217352 |jstor=217352}}

{{div col|colwidth=20em}}

• Dominant minority
• Ethnic democracy
• Ethnic nationalism
• Herrenvolk democracy
• Human rights in Estonia
• Ketuanan Melayu
• Monoethnicity
• Nationalism
• South Africa under apartheid
• Superstratum
• White separatism
• White nationalism

{{div col end}}

{{Reflist|30em}}{{Ethnicity}}{{Segregation by type}}

Category:Ethnic conflict

Category:Ethnicity in politics

Category:Politics and race

Category:Ethnic nationalism

Category:Ethnic supremacy

Category:Minority rights