First Assembly of ETA

File:Franco eisenhower 1959 madrid.jpg alongside U.S. President Eisenhower in Madrid, 1959. At the time, Spain was on the verge of bankruptcy, yet the regime persisted.]]

By the early 1960s, Franco’s dictatorship, which had been in power for over two decades, began showing signs of transformation, albeit limited ones. The autarky policy pursued until then had brought Spain to the verge of bankruptcy, compelling the regime to implement reforms starting in the late 1950s. From 1957, Laureano López Rodó spearheaded a reorganization of public administration,{{Harvtxt|Payne|1987|pp=481-482}} while Alberto Ullastres was committed to economic reform.{{Harvtxt|Payne|1987|p=482}} The regime enacted a Law on Collective Agreements that permitted limited collective bargaining within the Spanish Syndical Organization.{{Harvtxt|Payne|1987|p=484}} Meanwhile, the success of the European Economic Community underscored the drawbacks of Spain’s isolationist stance,{{Harvtxt|Payne|1987|p=483}} leading to an application for accession in February 1962.{{Harvtxt|Tusell|1989|p=174}} Spain had already joined the Organisation for European Economic Co-operation (OECD) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in 1958. By mid-1959, severe trade deficits and rampant inflation forced a significant policy shift, overcoming Franco’s initial resistance.{{Harvtxt|Payne|1987|pp=484-486}}

On July 22, 1959, the regime introduced the Stabilization Plan, orchestrated by Mariano Navarro Rubio, Ullastres, and Gregorio López-Bravo. This plan included a devaluation of the peseta and secured a loan from the United States, encouraging foreign investment.{{Harvtxt|Payne|1987|pp=485-486}}Among other things, the limit on foreign ownership of companies was raised from 25% to 50% of the capital. Foreign investors were also allowed to repatriate a portion of annual dividends up to a limit of 6%. Initially, the plan caused a rise in unemployment and a reduction in incomes, but within a short period, it prevented bankruptcy, doubled tourism revenue, and significantly increased foreign direct investment over the next two years.{{Harvtxt|Payne|1987|pp=486-487}} Subsequent measures included a tariff adjustment in 1960 and the nationalization of the Bank of Spain in 1962.{{Harvtxt|Payne|1987|p=487}} A new breed of technocratic ministers introduced a distinct administrative style, setting themselves apart from the regime’s traditional ideological autocrats.

These changes sparked Spain’s most significant wave of industrialization and economic prosperity to date, with 1961 standing out as a particularly prosperous year.{{Harvtxt|Payne|1987|p=488}} Tourism surged, positioning Spain as a competitive player on the global stage.{{Harvtxt|Payne|1987|pp=488-489}} Infant mortality rates dropped notably, from 69.84 per thousand in 1950 to 43.66 in 1960.{{Harvtxt|Payne|1987|p=503}} However, wages remained stagnant between 1957 and 1961, and emigration to more industrialized European nations fueled growing discontent among workers.{{Harvtxt|Payne|1987|p=491}} The push toward economic liberalism also gave rise to demands for greater freedoms, exemplified by a 1960 petition signed by intellectuals—including prominent figures such as José María Pemán—calling for regulation of censorship.{{Harvtxt|Payne|1987|p=523}}

Franco’s system of organic democracy remained stable,{{Harvtxt|Payne|1987|p=513}} but his advancing age, coupled with accidents and a 1961 diagnosis of Parkinson’s disease, raised questions about succession.{{Harvtxt|Payne|1987|p=514}} In 1960, Franco met with Juan de Borbón, agreeing that Juan Carlos would pursue his education in Spain.{{Harvtxt|Payne|1987|p=515}} Juan Carlos married Sophia of Greece in May 1962, coinciding with the timing of the ETA assembly.{{Harvtxt|Payne|1987|p=516}}

{{See also|Opposition to Francoism}}

Following the defeat of the anti-Francoist Maquis in the 1950s, opposition to Franco weakened significantly.{{Harvtxt|Payne|1987|p=517}} It was disorganized and deeply divided,{{Harvtxt|Tusell|1989|p=162}} with groups such as the Republican Democratic Action (ARDE) sustaining a largely ineffective government-in-exile led by Diego Martínez Barrio. The Basque Nationalist Party (PNV), alongside the Basque Nationalist Action (ANV), various republican factions, and the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE), maintained the Basque government in exile. Within Spain, PSOE’s presence was minimal, and its affiliated union, the General Union of Workers (UGT), refused to participate in Francoist syndicates.{{Harvtxt|Tusell|1989|pp=156-157}} An attempt in 1961 to form a Union of Democratic Forces with Christian democrats proved unsuccessful.{{Harvtxt|Tusell|1989|p=158}} The Communist Party, adopting a policy of national reconciliation in 1956,{{Harvtxt|Tusell|1989|p=182}} established clandestine workers’ commissions in 1958. These became the most significant internal opposition force, collaborating with dissident Catholics within the Spanish Syndical Organization.{{Harvtxt|Payne|1987|p=518}}

File:Pope John XXIII, 1958–1963.jpg’s encyclical Mater et magistra provided a basis for criticism of Franco’s regime.]]

New opposition groups emerged during this period. The Popular Liberation Front (FELIPE) evolved from its Catholic origins into a radical Third Worldist leftist movement, with its Basque branch, Euskadiko Sozialisten Batasuna (ESBA), later aligning with ETA.{{Harvtxt|Tusell|1989|p=155}} The violent Iberian Revolutionary Liberation Directory (DRIL) carried out bombings in Madrid in 1960, possibly linked to the anarcho-syndicalist National Confederation of Labor (CNT) or reflective of growing militancy. The Asturian miners’ strike in April 1962 signaled rising unrest.{{Harvtxt|Vilar|1983|p=70}} Other groups, such as Dionisio Ridruejo’s Democratic Action and José María Gil-Robles’s Christian Social Democracy, functioned more as intellectual discussion circles than active resistance.{{Harvtxt|Tusell|1989|pp=153-155}}

Unexpectedly, the Catholic Church became a source of opposition. Young priests, often linked to Catholic Action, joined liberal critics.{{Harvtxt|Payne|1987|pp=518-519}} Many members of the Workers' Brotherhood of Catholic Action (HOAC) supported the communist-led workers’ commissions. In 1960, 339 Basque priests signed a letter protesting the oppression of clergy and Basques.The priests wrote: {{quote|Freedom is one of the most sacred and inviolable rights that the State must recognize and respect (...) In the police stations of our country, torture is used as a method of exploitation and search for the transgressor of a law that is often inconsequential and not infrequently unjust. A malicious suspicion is enough for the policeman or civil guard on duty to irresponsibly whip, torture and injure any citizen...}} Although Enrique Pla y Deniel, the Primate of Spain, condemned this action, he also protested the repression of HOAC to José Solís, an official of the regime.{{Harvtxt|Payne|1987|p=519}} The 1961 encyclical Mater et magistra, issued by Pope John XXIII, further fueled demands for progressive change. Meanwhile, the secular and socialist Workers' Syndical Union (USO), founded in 1961, emerged as a rival to the communist-led commissions.{{Harvtxt|Tusell|1989|p=180}}

ETA was founded on July 31, 1959, by former members of Ekin,{{Harvtxt|Javato González|2011|pp=152-154}} a group frustrated with the passivity of the Basque Nationalist Party (PNV). These individuals broke away from PNV’s youth wing, Euzko Gaztedi Indarra (EGI), to form Euskadi Ta Askatasuna, though some suggest it may have been active as early as 1958.{{Harvtxt|Casanova|2007|p=27}} The name, meaning “Basque Country and Freedom” in the Basque language,{{Harvtxt|Javato González|2011|p=153}} reflected its commitment to “direct action” against Franco’s regime.{{Harvtxt|Leonisio Calvo|2012|pp=378-379}}

Initially, ETA focused on theoretical development and cultural promotion.{{Harvtxt|Javato González|2011|p=154}} As the PNV, it endorsed Christian democratic principles, such as support for a minimum wage.{{Harvtxt|Sullivan|1988|p=36}} Violence was an inherent part of its ideology, though early actions were limited to graffiti and the sabotage of Francoist monuments.

ETA’s first attempted attack occurred on July 18, 1961, marking the 25th anniversary of the National Uprising that sparked the Spanish Civil War.The National Uprising was only the beginning of the armed insurrection against the government of the Second Republic that led to the Spanish Civil War. The target was a Francoist train bound for San Sebastián, which ETA tried to derail by sabotaging the railroad.{{Harvtxt|Leonisio Calvo|2012|p=379}} The intent was to make a symbolic statement rather than cause fatalities.José María Garmendia says that the attack was planned "with so many precautions that no one was harmed", and Gurutz Jáuregui affirms that it was "prepared in great detail to avoid casualties". while Gurutz Jáuregui confirms the action was designed to avoid casualties.{{Harvtxt|Garmendia|Jáuregui|Domínguez|2006|p=189}} The attempt failed, with the train remaining on its tracks,{{Harvtxt|Rodríguez Román|2010|pp=6-7}}{{cite web|author=Ander Landaburu|title="Los radicales no tienen cojones para despegarse de la tutela de ETA" (entrevista a Julen Madariaga)|url=http://elpais.com/diario/2009/07/26/domingo/1248580355_850215.html|access-date=December 30, 2012|work=El País|date=July 26, 2009}} triggering a wave of arrests and forcing many members into exile.{{Harvtxt|Javato González|2011|p=155}} Those detained faced torture,{{Harvtxt|Garmendia|Jáuregui|Domínguez|2006|p=109}} with sentences of up to twenty years handed down, despite a trend toward lighter penalties at the time.{{Harvtxt|Tusell|1989|p=157}}{{Harvtxt|Bruni|1987|p=40}} The crackdown nearly dismantled ETA, prompting many members to abandon the organization.

The surviving militants radicalized while in exile in the French Basque Country, receiving support from the Basque nationalist publication Enbata and from exiles in Mexico and Venezuela.{{Harvtxt|Garmendia|Jáuregui|Domínguez|2006|pp=109-110}} They were shocked by the hostility of the PNV, despite their shared ideological origins.{{Harvtxt|Sullivan|1988|p=37}}

By late 1961, ETA began planning its first assembly,{{Harvtxt|Garmendia|Jáuregui|Domínguez|2006|p=190}} the absence of such a meeting until then reflecting the group’s initial weakness and its overlap with PNV structures. The assembly was held outside Spain, on Basque soil, at the Monastery of Our Lady of Belloc,{{Harvtxt|Rodríguez Román|2010|p=7}}{{cite web|author=elmundo.es/Europa Press|title=El monasterio de Belloch, testigo del origen de ETA|url=http://www.elmundo.es/elmundo/2005/02/11/espana/1108145394.html|access-date=December 26, 2012|work=elmundo.es|date=February 11, 2005}} near Bayonne in the French Basque Country. Benedictine monks hosted the event, which saw between 7 and 14 male participants,{{Harvtxt|Casanova|2007|p=34}} a reduced number reflecting the losses sustained after the 1961 crackdown.{{Harvtxt|Garmendia|Jáuregui|Domínguez|2006|p=110}}

The assembly formalized ideas from the Ekin period into what became known as the “Principles of ETA.”

ETA defined itself as a “Basque Revolutionary National Liberation Movement,” explicitly distinguishing itself from a traditional political party. Its mission was to lead various Basque forces toward “national reconstruction.”{{Harvtxt|Javato González|2011|p=156}} The term “revolutionary” referred to national liberation rather than socioeconomic transformation, aligning ETA with the conservative and Catholic traditions of the PNV,{{Harvtxt|Javato González|2011|pp=152-153}} without the socialist leanings that would emerge later.

File:Euskal Herriko mapa koloreztatua.png and the remaining territories in Spain.]]

ETA’s central objective was the establishment of an independent Basque state encompassing the territories claimed by Basque nationalists: in Spain, the provinces of Álava, Gipuzkoa, Navarre, and Biscay; and in France, the regions of Lower Navarre, Labourd, and Soule.{{cite web|author=Javier Pagola|title=Historia de ETA desde dentro|url=http://www.abc.es/especiales/eta/historia/index.asp|access-date=January 1, 2012|work=ABC}} ETA considered these six areas as a unified territory, treating Lower Navarre as part of Navarre.{{Harvtxt|Bilbao Ariztimuño|1996|p=21}} The organization aimed to compel Spain and France to relinquish control, while remaining open to a vague notion of European federalism.

The envisioned Basque state would operate as a democracy that upheld human rights, explicitly rejecting both fascism and communism. It would be unified under the nationalist framework established by Sabino Arana, the founder of Basque nationalism.

ETA opposed liberalism, advocating for the social function of property,{{Harvtxt|Woods|Val del Olmo|2005|p=167}} the socialization of key economic sectors, economic planning, codetermination between workers and employers, the promotion of unions, a social insurance system, and progressive taxation. Despite PNV accusations, ETA was not communist, instead reflecting influences from Keynesianism and Catholic social teaching. At the time, Franco’s regime was developing its own Social Security system.{{cite web |author=Seguridad Social |title=Historia de la Seguridad Social |url=http://www.seg-social.es/Internet_1/LaSeguridadSocial/HistoriadelaSegurid47711/index.htm |access-date=December 30, 2012 |work=Social Security}} ETA remained a bourgeois movement, maintaining distance from the working-class struggle.{{Harvtxt|Vilar|1983|p=74}}

File:Urt Panneau.jpg and French with Basque. Pictured: a bilingual sign in Urt from 2007.]]

Under the influence of Txillardegi,{{Harvtxt|Javato González|2011|pp=157-158}} ETA positioned the Basque language—banned under Franco—as the cornerstone of Basque identity, aiming for it to become the sole official language and the primary medium of education. Unlike Arana’s racial definition of Basque identity,{{Harvtxt|Javato González|2011|pp=146-147}} ETA rejected racism. Drawing on linguistic structuralism, it argued that Basque shaped a unique worldview.{{Cite book|last=Fernández Soldevilla|first=Gaizka|title=Sangre, votos, manifestaciones: ETA y el nacionalismo vasco radical 1958-2011|year=2012|publisher=Tecnos|isbn=978-84-309-5499-5|page=55|chapter=I}} While prioritizing Basque, ETA permitted temporary co-official status for Spanish and French,{{Harvtxt|Bilbao Ariztimuño|1996|pp=21-22}} acknowledging the realities of migration and the challenges of preserving a pre-Roman language.{{Harvtxt|Rodríguez Román|2010|p=4}}However, there is no mention of the possible recognition of Gascon, a Romance language also spoken in the French Basque country.

ETA endorsed the creation of a secular state, departing from the Aranist emphasis on Catholicism.{{Harvtxt|Javato González|2011|p=147}}

The assembly established itself as ETA’s supreme decision-making body, electing an executive committee led by José María Benito del Valle, alongside Julen Madariaga, Patxi Iturrioz, and other members. Madariaga was charged with overseeing the "military" branch and, as such, was responsible for procuring weapons.{{Harvtxt|Casanova|2007|p=36}} The assembly also formalized the publication Zutik!,{{Harvtxt|Woods|Val del Olmo|2005|p=165}} as well as an internal bulletin called Kemen. Zutik! adopted a pluralistic tone,{{Harvtxt|Bruni|1987|pp=43-44}} leading some to criticize it as confusing, while others viewed it as a call for nationalist unity.{{cite book|last=Álvarez Enparantza|first=José Luis|title=Euskal Herria en el horizonte|year=1997|publisher=Txalaparta|isbn=84-8136-086-4|location=Tafalla|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=FNdQ8FpwG2IC|access-date=May 15, 2013|page=177}}

While ETA’s official documents from the assembly avoided explicit references to violence despite the existence of a “military” branch,{{Harvtxt|Garmendia|Jáuregui|Domínguez|2006|pp=204-205}} the post-1961 context and the assembly’s decisions suggested an armed approach, as evidenced by Julen Madariaga’s role in the military wing. The texts vaguely referred to “historical means” of struggle, a phrase interpreted as an allusion to violence, which Madariaga later openly declared as a state of war.{{Harvtxt|Garmendia|Jáuregui|Domínguez|2006|p=205}}

ETA positioned itself as independent from political parties such as the PNV,{{Harvtxt|Bilbao Ariztimuño|1996|pp=20-21}} but allowed for alliances with other groups as long as they did not compromise its core objectives.

File:Ajuriagerra.jpg leader Juan de Ajuriaguerra in a later photograph. The PNV opposed ETA from its early days.]]

The “Declaration of Principles” largely reiterated ideas from the Ekin period, including the rediscovery of Basque nationalism, a regenerationist outlook, the preservation of nationalist heritage, and adherence to Aranist notions of unity.{{Harvtxt|Garmendia|Jáuregui|Domínguez|2006|pp=206-207}} It bore the influence of the PNV’s Christian democratic tendencies as well as the ANV’s commitment to a secular framework.{{Harvtxt|Garmendia|Jáuregui|Domínguez|2006|p=208}} Historian Gurutz Jáuregui described it as a restatement of prior ideas rather than a concrete action plan.{{Harvtxt|Garmendia|Jáuregui|Domínguez|2006|p=209}}

The declaration was published in four languages and distributed in 30,000 copies. The PNV interpreted it as a sign of communism, while leftist groups saw it as an extension of radical PNV ideology, deepening the divide between ETA and the PNV.{{Harvtxt|Sullivan|1988|p=38}} The assembly bolstered ETA’s membership, particularly in Biscay and Gipuzkoa,{{Harvtxt|Garmendia|Jáuregui|Domínguez|2006|p=112}} setting the stage for its later actions, including the 1968 assassination of Melitón Manzanas, a police officer known for torturing detainees.{{Harvtxt|Rodríguez Román|2010|p=10}} By the Sixth ETA Assembly in 1970, ETA had shifted toward Marxism-Leninism, evolving into the Revolutionary Communist League.{{Harvtxt|Rodríguez Román|2010|pp=10-12}} The ETA V-Assembly in 1970{{Harvtxt|Rodríguez Román|2010|pp=11-12}} marked an escalation of violence,{{cite news|title=Atentado de la calle del Correo|url=http://elpais.com/diario/1979/05/27/espana/296604007_850215.html|work=El País|date=May 27, 1979|access-date=December 31, 2012}}{{cite news |last=Mancebo Alonso |first=Mayte |date=September 28, 1974 |title=Un comando legal de ETA puso la bomba |url=http://www.march.es/ceacs/biblioteca/proyectos/linz/Documento.asp?Reg=r-11373 |access-date=December 31, 2012 |work=Informaciones}} leading to its classification as a terrorist organization.{{Harvtxt|Fernández Soldevilla|2007|pp=817-844}} The formation of ETA militar in 1974{{Harvtxt|Rodríguez Román|2010|p=13}} intensified its violent campaign,{{cite news|title=Hoy se cumplen 22 años del atentado de Hipercor|url=http://www.abc.es/20090619/nacional-terrorismo/cumplen-anos-atentado-hipercor-200906191018.html|work=ABC|date=June 19, 2009|access-date=December 31, 2012|agency=EFE}}{{cite news|first=José Luis|last=Barbería|title=El día en que todos fuimos Miguel Ángel Blanco|url=http://elpais.com/diario/2007/07/08/espana/1183845603_850215.html|work=El País|date=July 8, 2007|access-date=December 31, 2012}} which persisted until a ceasefire was declared in 2011,{{cite web|author=Luis R. Aizpolea|title=ETA pone fin a 43 años de terror|url=http://politica.elpais.com/politica/2011/10/19/actualidad/1319056094_153776.html|access-date=December 31, 2012|work=El País|date=October 20, 2011}} followed by its dissolution in 2018.

• ETA (separatist group)

{{reflist|group=note}}

{{reflist|3}}

• {{cite book|title=Crónica de una izquierda singular|url=http://kepabilbao.indigitaline.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/Cronicadeunaizquierdasingular.pdf|access-date=October 20, 2017|last=Bilbao Ariztimuño|first=Kepa|year=1996|pages=20–22|archive-date=October 20, 2017|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20171020091246/http://kepabilbao.indigitaline.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/08/Cronicadeunaizquierdasingular.pdf|url-status=dead|trans-title=Chronicle of a Singular Left|language=Spanish}}
• {{cite book|last=Bruni|first=Luigi|title=ETA: Historia política de una lucha armada. Vol. 1|year=1987|publisher=Txalaparta|isbn=84-86597-03-X|pages=40–44|location=Tafalla (Navarre)|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=sxPNX6x2wfkC|access-date=May 12, 2013|trans-title=ETA: Political History of an Armed Struggle. Vol. 1|language=Spanish}}
• {{cite book|last=Casanova|first=Iker|title=ETA: 1958-2008: Medio siglo de historia|year=2007|publisher=Txalaparta|isbn=978-84-8136-507-8|pages=27–36|location=Tafalla (Navarre)|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=FfKkhaQ_vV4C|access-date=December 27, 2012|trans-title=ETA: 1958-2008: Half a Century of History|language=Spanish}}
• {{cite journal|last=Fernández Soldevilla|first=Gaizka|title=El nacionalismo vasco radical ante la Transición Española|journal=Historia Contemporánea|date=July–December 2007|issue=35|pages=817–844|issn=1130-2402|trans-title=Radical Basque Nationalism Facing the Spanish Transition|language=Spanish}}
• {{cite book|last1=Garmendia|first1=José María|last2=Jáuregui|first2=Gurutz|last3=Domínguez|first3=Florencio|title=La historia de ETA|date=2006|publisher=Temas de hoy|location=Madrid|isbn=978-84-8460-594-2|pages=106–209|trans-title=The History of ETA|language=Spanish}}
• {{cite journal|last=Javato González|first=Víctor Manuel|title=ETA. Origen e ideología|journal=Ab Initio|date=June 2011|volume=II|issue=3|pages=143–163|url=http://www.ab-initio.es/eta-origen-ideologia/|access-date=December 26, 2012|location=Madrid|issn=2172-671X|trans-title=ETA: Origin and Ideology|language=Spanish}}
• {{cite book|last=Leonisio Calvo|first=Rafael|title=III Congreso Internacional de Historia de Nuestro Tiempo|year=2012|publisher=Universidad de La Rioja|isbn=978-84-695-5155-4|pages=377–388|location=Logroño|url=http://dialnet.unirioja.es/servlet/articulo?codigo=4052262|access-date=December 26, 2012|chapter=Izquierda abertzale, de la heterogeneidad al monolitismo|trans-title=Left-wing Abertzale, from Heterogeneity to Monolithism|language=Spanish}}
• {{cite book|last=Payne|first=Stanley G.|title=El régimen de Franco, 1936-1975|url=https://archive.org/details/elregimendefranc0000payn|year=1987|publisher=Alianza Editorial|isbn=84-206-9553-X|pages=[https://archive.org/details/elregimendefranc0000payn/page/481 481]-523|location=Madrid|trans-title=Franco's Regime, 1936-1975|language=Spanish}}
• {{cite journal|last=Rodríguez Román|first=Pablo|title=Orígenes de ETA y su desarrollo durante el Franquismo|journal=Revista de Claseshistoria|date=March 2010|pages=1–15|url=http://www.claseshistoria.com/revista/2010/articulos/rodriguez-eta.pdf|access-date=December 26, 2012|issn=1989-4988|trans-title=Origins of ETA and Its Development During Francoism|language=Spanish}}
• {{cite book|last=Sullivan|first=John|title=ETA and Basque Nationalism|year=1988|publisher=Routledge|isbn=0-415-00366-0|pages=36–38|location=London|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=FOMOAAAAQAAJ|access-date=May 11, 2013|trans-title=ETA and Basque Nationalism|language=English}}
• {{cite book|last=Tusell|first=Javier|title=La España de Franco|year=1989|publisher=Historia 16|isbn=84-7679-124-0|pages=153–182|location=Madrid|trans-title=Franco's Spain|language=Spanish}}
• {{cite journal|last=Vilar|first=Sergio|title=La oposición a la dictadura franquista (1959-1976)|journal=Historia 16|date=February 1983|issue=Extra XXV|pages=61–88|publisher=Información y revistas S.A.|location=Madrid|trans-title=Opposition to the Francoist Dictatorship (1959-1976)|language=Spanish}}
• {{cite book|last1=Woods|first1=Alan|title=Euskal Herria y el socialismo|year=2005|publisher=Fundación Federico Engels|isbn=84-96276-10-4|page=165|location=Madrid|last2=Val del Olmo|first2=Eloy|trans-title=Basque Country and Socialism|language=Spanish}}

• {{Cite episode|title=Capítulo 1: Los orígenes|series=Especial historia de ETA|department=Crónicas|network=Televisión Española|location=Madrid|air-date=April 29, 2012|minutes=58:37|url=http://www.rtve.es/noticias/20120427/cronicas-especial-historia-eta-capitulo-1-origenes/518919.shtml}}

Category:ETA (separatist group)

Category:1962 in Spain

Category:1962 in politics

Category:Francoism