Singapore English#Next–text split

Singapore English can be classified into Singapore Standard English (SSE) and Singapore Colloquial English (Singlish).{{Cite journal |last1=Cavallaro |first1=Francesco |last2=Chin |first2=Ng Bee |date=1 June 2009 |title=Between status and solidarity in Singapore |journal=World Englishes |issn=1467-971X |doi=10.1111/j.1467-971X.2009.01580.x |citeseerx=10.1.1.530.1479 |volume=28 |issue=2 |pages=143–159 |url=http://www3.ntu.edu.sg/home/cfcavallaro/Pdf%20files/Cavallaro%20and%20Ng%20WE2009.pdf}} The language consists of three sociolects; Acrolect, Mesolect, and Basilect.{{cite web |last=Harada |first=Shinichi |title=The Roles of Singapore Standard English and Singlish |url=http://www.bunkyo.ac.jp/faculty/lib/slib/kiyo/Inf/if40/if4006.pdf |access-date=4 August 2014 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130602055518/http://www.bunkyo.ac.jp/faculty/lib/slib/kiyo/Inf/if40/if4006.pdf |archive-date=2 June 2013}} Both Acrolect and Mesolect are regarded as Standard Singapore English, while Basilect is considered as Singlish.{{cite web |last=Harada |first=Shinichi |title=The Roles of Standard Singapore English and Singlish |url=http://www.bunkyo.ac.jp/faculty/lib/slib/kiyo/Inf/if40/if4006.pdf |access-date=4 August 2014 |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130602055518/http://www.bunkyo.ac.jp/faculty/lib/slib/kiyo/Inf/if40/if4006.pdf |archive-date=2 June 2013}}

• Acrolect; there is no substantial difference from Standard British English (SBE), though there may be some features of pronunciation that indicate the speaker is Singaporean, such as use of a full vowel in unstressed syllables and a relatively monophthongal realisation of the {{sc2|FACE}} vowel.
• Mesolect; it has some features distinct from SBE
• # Question tenses in an indirect form; e.g. "May I ask where is the toilet?"
• # Indefinite article deletion (copula absence); e.g. "May I apply for car licence?" (Instead of saying "a" car licence)
• # Lack of marking in verb forms (Regularisation); e.g. "He always go to the shopping centre."
• Basilect (Singlish);
• # Generalised "is it" question tag; e.g. "You coming today, Is it?"
• # Consistent copula deletion; e.g. "My handwriting no good, lah."
• # Use of particles like ah; lah, e.g. "Wait ah; Hurry lah, I need to go now!"

Singaporeans vary their language according to social situations (Pakir 1991) and attitudes that they want to convey (Poedjosoedarmo 1993).{{cite journal|last1=Deterding|first1=David|last2=Hvitfeldt|first2=Robert|title=The Feature of Singapore English Pronunciation: Implication for Teachers|journal=Teaching and Learning|volume=15|pages=98–107|url=http://videoweb.nie.edu.sg/phonetic/papers/teach-sge.pdf|access-date=4 August 2014}} Better educated Singaporeans with a "higher" standard of English tend to speak "Standard" Singapore English (the acrolect), whereas those who are less-educated or whose first language is not English tend to speak Singlish (the basilect). Gupta (1994) said that most Singaporean speakers systematically alternate between colloquial and formal language depending on the formality of the situation.

Standard Singapore English is the standard form of English used in Singapore. It generally resembles British English and is often used in more formal settings such as the workplace or when communicating with people of higher authority such as teachers, bosses and government officials.{{cite web|title=The Roles of Singapore Standard English and Singlish|url=http://www.bunkyo.ac.jp/faculty/lib/slib/kiyo/Inf/if40/if4006.pdf|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130602055518/http://www.bunkyo.ac.jp/faculty/lib/slib/kiyo/Inf/if40/if4006.pdf|archive-date=2 June 2013}} Singapore English acts as the "bridge" among different ethnic groups in Singapore. Standard Singapore English retains British spelling and grammar.{{cite web|title=What are some commonly misspelled English words?|url=http://blogs.nlb.gov.sg/ask/children/481|publisher=National Library Board, Singapore|access-date=7 June 2013|date=18 April 2008|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120303222846/https://blogs.nlb.gov.sg/ask/children/481|archive-date=3 March 2012}}

The British established a trading post on the island of Singapore in 1819, and the population grew rapidly thereafter, attracting many immigrants from Chinese provinces and from India.{{cite book | title = Singapore English |url= https://books.google.com/books?id=VP_HO_Q5rEUC&q=american+influence+on+singaporean+english&pg=PR4|isbn= 9780748625451|last1= Deterding|first1= David|year= 2007}} The roots of Standard Singapore English derive from nearly a century and a half of British control. Its local character seems to have developed early in the English-medium schools of the 19th and early-20th centuries, where the teachers often came from India and Ceylon, as well as from various parts of Europe and from the United States of America. By 1900 Eurasians and other locals were employed as teachers.{{cite book|last= Gupta|first= Anthea Fraser|title= The Step-Tongue: Children's English in Singapore|year= 1994|publisher= WBC Ltd, Bridgend|location= United Kingdom|isbn= 978-1-85359-230-0|url= https://books.google.com/books?id=_Wsh1EbUJB0C}} Apart from a period of Japanese occupation (1942–1945), Singapore remained a British colony until 1963, when it joined the Malaysian federation, but this proved a short-lived alliance, largely due to ethnic rivalries. Since its expulsion from the Federation in 1965, Singapore has operated as an independent city-state. English served as the administrative language of the British colonial government, and when Singapore gained self-government in 1959 and independence in 1965, the Singaporean government decided to keep English as the main language to maximise economic prosperity. The use of English as the nation's first language serves to bridge the gap between the diverse ethnic groups in Singapore; English operates as the lingua franca of the nation. The use of English as a global language for commerce, technology and science has also helped to expedite Singapore's development and integration into the global economy.{{cite web |last1=Alatis |first1=James E. |last2=Tan |first2=Ai-Hui |year=1999 |title=Georgetown University Round Table on Languages and Linguistics 1999 |publisher=Georgetown University Press |location=United States |url=http://repository.library.georgetown.edu/bitstream/handle/10822/551456/gurt-1999.pdf?sequence=1 |format=pdf |access-date=7 June 2013 |url-status= dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140715182810/https://repository.library.georgetown.edu/bitstream/handle/10822/551456/gurt-1999.pdf?sequence=1 |archive-date=15 July 2014}} Public schools use English as the main language of instruction, although students are also required to receive part of their instruction in their mother tongue; placement in such courses is based on ethnicity and not without controversy.

{{cite journal

|last1 = Leimgruber

|first1 = Jakob R. E.

|title = Singapore English

|url = http://jakobleimgruber.ch/papers/LLC.pdf

|journal = Language and Linguistics Compass

|date = January 2011

|volume = 5

|issue = 1

|pages = 47–62

|doi = 10.1111/j.1749-818x.2010.00262.x

|issn = 1749-818X

|access-date = 18 April 2016

|quote = English [...] is also the only medium of instruction in schools [... e]xcept in the elite Special Assistance Plan Schools, where some subjects are taught in the mother tongue. They currently only exist for Mandarin.

|url-status = dead

|archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20160426041614/http://jakobleimgruber.ch/papers/LLC.pdf

|archive-date = 26 April 2016

}}

The standard Singaporean accent used to be officially RP. However, in recent decades,{{when|date=June 2013}} a standard Singaporean accent, quite independent of any external standard, including RP, started to emerge. A 2003 study by the National Institute of Education in Singapore suggests that a standard Singaporean pronunciation is emerging and is on the cusp of being standardised. Singaporean accents can be said to be largely non-rhotic.{{Cite book|title=English in Southeast Asia: Varieties, literacies and literatures|last=Deterding|first=David|publisher=Cambridge Scholars Publishing.|year=2007|location=Newcastle|pages=11}}

In 2023, opposition leader Pritam Singh advocated for English proficiency testing for immigrants seeking Singaporean citizenship.{{Cite web |url=https://www.channelnewsasia.com/singapore/new-citizen-permanent-resident-singapore-application-english-test-pritam-singh-josephine-teo-3309261 |publisher=Channel News Asia |language=en-SG |date=2023-02-27 |last=Tang |first=Louisa |title=Pritam Singh advocates for English test in Singapore citizenship, PR applications |access-date=2023-04-06}} Polling data of native-born Singaporeans show broad support for the proposal.{{Cite web |url=https://www.channelnewsasia.com/singapore/english-test-new-citizens-pr-application-survey-3368571 |publisher=Channel News Asia |language=en-SG |date=2023-04-03 |last=Tang |first=Louisa |access-date=2023-04-06 |title=CNA poll finds majority welcome English test to be part of Singapore citizenship application process}}

The wide use of Singlish led the government to launch the Speak Good English Movement in Singapore in 2000 in an attempt to replace Singlish with Standard English. This movement was made to show the need for Singaporeans to speak Standard English. Nowadays, all children in schools are being taught Standard English with one of the other official languages (Chinese, Malay, Tamil) being taught as a second language. In Singapore, English is a "working language" that serves the economy and development and is associated with the broader global community. Meanwhile, the rest are "mother tongues" that are associated with the country's culture. Speaking Standard English also helps Singaporeans communicate and express themselves in their everyday life.{{Cite journal|title=Creative destruction: Singapore's Speak Good English movement|journal=World Englishes|volume=20|issue=3|pages=341–355|doi=10.1111/1467-971X.00219|year=2001|last1=Rubdy|first1=Rani}}

In 2014, the Singaporean government made an announcement entitled "Speak Good English Movement brings fun back to Grammar and good English", where the strategies that would be used to promote their program in the following years were explained. Specifically, the government would release a series of videos demystifying the difficulty and dullness of the grammatical rules of the English language. These videos provide a more humorous approach to learning basic grammar rules. Singaporeans will now be able to practise the grammatical rules in both written and spoken English thanks to a more interactive approach.{{cite web|title=Speak Good English Movement brings fun back to Grammar and good English|url=http://www.news.gov.sg/public/sgpc/en/media_releases/agencies/nhb/press_release/P-20140528-1.html|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20140810193412/http://www.news.gov.sg/public/sgpc/en/media_releases/agencies/nhb/press_release/P-20140528-1.html|archive-date=10 August 2014}}{{update inline|date=July 2023|reason=Need info on how this initiative has fared after the videos' publication (public opinion/reactions, relevant statistics, other details on progress, etc.)}}

Although Standard Singapore English (SSE) is mainly influenced by British English and, recently, American English, there are other languages that also contribute to its use on a regular basis. The majority of Singaporeans speak more than one language, with many speaking three to four.{{cite web | first1=Anthea | last1=Gupta | url=http://www.hawaii.edu/satocenter/langnet/definitions/singlish.html | title=Singapore Colloquial English | website=University of Hawaiʻi| publisher=University of Hawaii | access-date=4 August 2014 }} Most Singaporean children are brought up bilingual. They are introduced to Malay, Chinese, Tamil, or Singapore Colloquial English (Singlish) as their native languages, depending on their families' ethnic backgrounds and/or socioeconomic status. They also acquire those languages from interacting with friends in school and other places. Naturally, the presence of other languages in Singapore has influenced Singapore English, something particularly apparent in Singlish.

Both Singapore English and Singapore colloquial English are used with multiple accents. Because Singaporeans speak different ethnic mother tongues, they exhibit ethnic-specific features in their speech such that their ethnicity can be readily identified from their speech alone.{{Cite journal|last=Lim|first=Lisa|date=1996|title=Prosodic patterns characterising Chinese, Indian, and Malay Singapore English.|journal=Unpublished PhD Thesis, University of Reading}} The strength of one's ethnic mother tongue-accented English accent depends on factors like formalityDeterding, D. & Poedjosoedarmo, G. (2000). To what extent can the ethnic group of young Singaporeans be identified from their speech? In A. Brown, D. Deterding, & E. L. Low (Eds.). The English Language in Singapore: Research on Pronunciation, (pp. 1–9). Singapore: SAAL. and their language dominance.{{Cite journal|last=Sim|first=Jasper Hong|date=2019-02-01|title=But you don't sound Malay!|journal=English World-Wide|language=en|volume=40|issue=1|pages=79–108|doi=10.1075/eww.00023.sim|s2cid=151307960 |issn=0172-8865}} Words from Malay, Chinese, and Tamil are also borrowed, if not code-switched, into Singapore English. For example, the Malay words "makan" (to eat), "habis" (finished), and the Hokkien word "kiasu" ({{lang-zh|t=驚輸|s=惊输|poj=kiaⁿ-su}}) are constantly used, having been adopted into the lexicon, to the point that Singaporeans are not necessarily aware of which language those words are from. The nativisation process has progressed so far that the word "kiasu" has been used in the Singapore press since 2000 without being italicised, and went onto claim international recognition, being admitted to the Oxford English Dictionary in 2007.{{cite web|last1=Leimgruber|first1=Jakob|title=Singapore English|url=http://jakobleimgruber.ch/papers/LLC.pdf|access-date=4 August 2014|url-status=dead|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160303221040/http://jakobleimgruber.ch/papers/LLC.pdf|archive-date=3 March 2016}}{{cite web |last1=Lee |first1=Min Kok |title=Kiasu is Oxford English Dictionary's Word of the Day: Other Singlish words in the OED |url=https://www.straitstimes.com/singapore/kiasu-is-oxford-english-dictionarys-word-of-the-day-other-singlish-words-in-the-oed |website=The Straits Times |access-date=9 December 2024 |date=February 11, 2015}}{{cite web |title=kiasu, n. & adj. meanings, etymology and more |url=https://www.oed.com/dictionary/kiasu_n |website=Oxford English Dictionary |access-date=9 December 2024}}

{{See also|Singlish#Phonology}}

Broadly speaking, Singaporean English accents are based on the sound systems of standard non-rhotic Southern British English accents, as is often the case with dialects of English spoken in Commonwealth nations aside from Canada.{{cite book|last=Foley|first=Joseph|title=New Englishes: The Case of Singapore|year=1988|publisher=Singapore University Press|isbn=978-9971-69-114-1|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=2D9-DjSLnWIC&q=singapore+received+pronunciation&pg=PA129}} Like many Southern British English dialects, the vowels in {{sc2|LOT}} {{IPAblink|ɒ}} and {{sc2|PALM}} {{IPAblink|ä}} are distinct in Singapore English, and almost all speakers use the {{sc2|PALM}} vowel {{IPAblink|ä}} in the word plant, Trap–bath split {{IPAblink|ɛ}}.

As English becomes more often used as a day-to-day language in Singapore, mass adoption of local norms have led to the formation of a standard, endonormative Singaporean accent with characteristics primarily driven by conventions and language change within the country.{{cite book|editor1=Charles F. Meyer|editor2=Eugene Green|year=2014|isbn=9783110394917|publisher=De Gruyter|chapter=New Englishes and the emergence of the unmarked|author=Caroline Wiltshire|title=The Variability of Current World Englishes}} Accents still vary, depending on age, ethnicity and upbringing.{{cite thesis|first=Jakob R. E.|last=Leimgruber|title=Modelling variation in Singapore English|year=2009}}{{cite thesis|first=C. H. L.|last=Low|year=2023|title=Variation and change in the vowels of Singapore English: a sociophonetic study based on the National Speech Corpus|publisher=Nanyang Technological University|doi=10.32657/10356/166509|degree=Doctoral|location=Singapore}}

{{See also|Rhoticity in English}}

Singapore English is predominantly non-rhotic, like Australian and Nigerian accents, so most speakers will leave out the r sound in words like far. Semi-rhotic accents are, however, quite commonly heard on radio, where some presenters have adopted more North American-like accents.{{cite journal|first=Peter Iori|last=Kobayashi|title=American English Phonological Features on Singapore Radio|journal=NUIS Journal of International Studies|year=2020|volume=5|pages=15–26}} Studies suggest that final r sounds are more likely to be realised by younger speakers and women among Chinese and Indian Singaporeans, and that this tendency is more common in content words than in function words, and in reading than in conversation.{{cite thesis |last=Kwek |first=G. S. C. |date=2018 |title=An analysis of /r/ variation in Singapore English |degree=PhD |publisher=University of Cambridge |doi=10.17863/CAM.27060}}{{cite book|last=Tan|first=Y.-Y.|chapter=The Americanization of the phonology of Asian Englishes: evidence from Singapore|title=Communicating with Asia: The future of English as a global language|date=2016|pages=120–134|editor1=Gerhard Leitner|editor2=Azirah Hashim|editor3=Hang-Georg Wolf|publisher=Cambridge University Press|isbn=9781107477186 }} Rhoticity is nevertheless generally uncommon and seldom consistent,{{cite journal|first=Y.-Y.|last=Tan|title=To r or not to r: Social correlates of /ɹ/ in Singapore English|journal=International Journal of the Sociology of Language|issue=218|date=December 2012|pages=1–24|doi=10.1515/ijsl-2012-0057}}{{cite journal|first=Alexandra|last=Hofbauer|title="How many c(R)s do you have?" A look into postvoincalic /r/ in Singapore English|journal=Lifespans and Styles|year=2018|volume=4|issue=1|pages=2–16|doi=10.2218/ls.v4i1.2018.2608|issn=2057-1720}} even in environments where a linking r could occur, e.g., my brother is and my sister is.{{cite journal|first1=Chor Hiang|last1=Tan|first2=Anthea Fraser|last2=Gupta|title=Post-vocalic /r/ in Singapore English|journal=York Papers in Linguistics|volume=16|year=1992|pages=139–152}} In a 2018 study examining the speech of 104 Singapore English speakers, r sounds were dropped at the end of syllables more than 90% of the time in conversational speech, while linking r was used less than 20% of the time. Cases of intrusive r (e.g., pronouncing drawing as draw-ring) were negligible.

Image:Formant plot for monophthongs in Singapore English.svgs of Singapore English on a normalised formant chart, from {{Harvcoltxt|Deterding|2007a|p=19}}. Here, {{IPA|/ɛ̝/}} represents the {{sc2|NEXT}} vowel, and {{IPA|[ɔː]}} and {{IPA|[uː]}}, in red, are allophones of {{IPAc-en|ɔː}} and {{IPAc-en|uː}} in open syllables. The vowels in {{sc2|FACE}} and {{sc2|GOAT}} are not included in this plot.]]

File:Singapore English checked monophthongs chart.svg monophthongs of Singapore English, based on descriptions by {{harvcoltxt|Deterding|2007a|pp=2–29}}, {{harvcoltxt|Deterding|2010|pp=203–206}} and {{harvcoltxt|Lim|2004}}, and data from {{harvcoltxt|Lan|Maxwell|Diskin-Holdaway|2024}}. In this diagram, {{IPA|/ɛ̝/}} represents the {{sc2|NEXT}} vowel, though it is still unclear whether it is distinguishable from {{IPA|/eɪ/}}, the {{sc2|FACE}} vowel. The vowels in mat and met {{IPA|/ɛ/}} are merged in this diagram.]]

File:Singapore English free monophthongs chart.svg monophthongs of Singapore English. In this diagram, {{IPA|[ɔː]}} represents the {{sc2|THOUGHT}} vowel {{IPA|/ɔː/}} in open environments (e.g., in the word more). Free vowels tend to be longer in open syllables, e.g., bee {{IPAblink|iː}}, law {{IPAblink|ɔː}}, fur {{IPAblink|əː}}, than in closed syllables, e.g., beat {{IPAblink|i}}, suits {{IPAblink|u}}, load {{IPAblink|o}}.Bao Zhiming (1998) 'The sounds of Singapore English'. In J. A. Foley et al. (eds.) English in New Cultural Contexts: Reflections from Singapore, Singapore: Singapore Institute of Management/Oxford University Press, pp. 152-174.]]

The {{sc2|KIT}} vowel is closer to the vowel in {{sc2|FLEECE}} in Singapore English than in most other dialects, and at its most extreme, it can be as high and front as the latter vowel, making sit and seat identical in pronunciation. Several studies confirm significant overlap between these two vowels, however {{harvcoltxt|Deterding|2010|pp=203–206}} demonstrates that a distinction is still maintained by the majority of speakers in the study. Speakers may also rely on vowel length to distinguish words like rid{{nbsp}}{{IPA|[ɹɪd]}} and read{{nbsp}}{{IPA|[ɹiˑd]}}; in this case the {{sc2|KIT}} vowel is markedly shorter.{{cite conference|author3=Chloé Diskin-Holdaway|author2=Olga Maxwell|author1=Canaan Zengyu Lan|title=An Exploratory Investigation of the /e/–/æ/ and /iː/–/ɪ/ Mergers and Durational Contrasts in Singapore English|journal=Proceedings of the Eighteenth Australasian International Conference on Speech Science and Technology (SST2022)|year=2022|pages=191–195}}

The {{sc2|FOOT}} vowel is often quite high and back in Singapore English. Like {{sc2|KIT}} and {{sc2|FLEECE}}, acoustic measurements show that there is significant overlap between the {{sc2|FOOT}} and {{sc2|GOOSE}} vowels, raising the possibility of a Phonological history of English close back vowels#FOOT–GOOSE merger.{{cite conference|first1=Canaan Zengyu|last1=Lan|first2=Olga|last2=Maxwell|first3=Chloé|last3=Diskin-Holdaway|year=2024|editor1=Olga Maxwell|editor2=Rikke Bundgaard-Nielsen|title=Static and Dynamic Analyses of the Back Vowels /uː/ and /ʊ/ in Singapore English|journal=Proceedings of the Nineteenth Australasian International Conference on Speech Science and Technology (SST2024)|pages=57–61}} Meanwhile, {{harvcoltxt|Tan & Low|2010|p=172}} demonstrate that the {{sc2|FOOT}} vowel is generally short and that the {{sc2|GOOSE}} vowel is associated with a longer average duration. While previous studies have categorised {{IPAc-en|uː}} as a back vowel {{IPAblink|u}} in Singapore English, more recent ones suggest that Fronting (sound change)#Vowel shifts is now prevalent among younger speakers, and that it is more accurate to classify this variant of {{IPAc-en|uː}} as a near-back {{IPAblink|u̟}} or centralised {{IPAblink|ü}} vowel.{{cite thesis |last=Lin |first=J. |year=2021 |title=The articulatory correlates of Singapore English vowels |degree=Master's |publisher=Nanyang Technological University |doi=10.32657/10356/155448|doi-access=free |hdl=10356/155448 }}

The {{sc2|FACE}} vowel {{IPA|en|eɪ}} is a short {{IPAblink|e}} or long monophthong {{IPAblink|eː}}, if not a diphthong with minimal change in quality. Acoustic measurements indicate that in general, this vowel tends to be more diphthongal for Chinese Singaporeans than for Malays.{{cite book|first=David|last=Deterding|chapter=Measurements of the /eɪ/ and /əʊ/ vowels of young English speakers in Singapore|title=The English language in Singapore: Research on pronunciation|year=2000|pages=93–99|editor-first1=Adam|editor-last1=Brown|editor-first2=David|editor-last2=Deterding|editor-first3=Ee Ling|editor-last3=Low|isbn=981-04-2598-8|publisher=Singapore Association for Applied Linguistics}} Likewise, the vowel in {{sc2|GOAT}} has limited change in quality over time, coming close to {{IPAblink|o̞|o}} or {{IPAblink|o̞|oː}} for many speakers. Findings from {{harvcoltxt|Deterding|1996}} lend weight to the proposition that {{sc2|FACE}} and {{sc2|GOAT}} are somewhat diphthongal.{{cite journal|first=David|last=Deterding|title=Diphthong Measurements in Singapore English|year=1996|journal=Proceedings of the Sixth Australian International Conference on Speech Science and Technology|pages=61–66|location=Adelaide}}

The vowels in met{{nbsp}}{{IPAc-en|ɛ}} and mat{{nbsp}}{{IPAc-en|æ}} are almost never distinguished {{IPAblink|ɛ}} in conversational speech.{{cite book|author1=Suzanna Bte Hashim|author2=Adam Brown|chapter=The [e] and [æ] vowels in Singapore English|title=The English language in Singapore: Research on pronunciation|year=2000|pages=84–92|editor-first1=Adam|editor-last1=Brown|editor-first2=David|editor-last2=Deterding|editor-first3=Ee Ling|editor-last3=Low|isbn=981-04-2598-8|publisher=Singapore Association for Applied Linguistics}}{{cite conference|author1= Chloé Diskin-Holdaway|author2=Olga Maxwell|author3=Canaan Zengyu Lan|title=Acoustic merger between /e/ and /æ/ in Singapore English: insights into stylistic variation and sub-varietal difference|journal=Proceedings of the 20th International Congress of Phonetic Sciences|editor1=Radek Skarnitzl|editor2=Jan Volin|publisher=Guarant International|year=2023|pages=3661–3665|location=Prague|url=https://guarant.cz/icphs2023/612.pdf}}{{cite book|first=David|last=Deterding|title=Multilingual Norms|year=2010|pages=203–206|editor=Madalena Cruz-Ferreira|publisher=Peter Lang|chapter=Norms for pronunciation of English in Singapore|isbn=9783631596371}} Any distinction is less likely between words ending in stop consonants, like met and mat, though bed{{nbsp}}{{IPAblink|e}} and bad{{nbsp}}{{IPAblink|ɛ}} are kept distinct (see {{Section link||Next–text split}}). Some studies report that {{IPAc-en|æ}} tends to be less centralised in vowel space, and that Malays are more likely than Indian and Chinese speakers to merge {{sc2|DRESS}} and {{sc2|TRAP}} in everyday speech.{{cite journal|first1=R. S. K.|last1=Tan|first2=E.-L.|last2=Low|title=How different are the monophthongs of Malay speakers of Malaysian and Singapore English?|journal=English World-Wide|volume=31|issue=2|date=2010|pages=162–189|doi=10.1075/eww.31.2.03tan }} {{sc2|SQUARE}} is open-mid{{nbsp}}{{IPAblink|ɛ|ɛː}}, and may contrast with {{sc2|DRESS}} by means of vowel length, so fared {{IPA|[fɛːd]}} has a long vowel while fed {{IPA|[fɛd]}} has a comparatively shorter one.{{cite book |first=E.-L. |last=Low |title=Pronunciation for English as an International Language: From Research to Practice |year=2014 |page=55 |isbn=9780415725125 |publisher=Routledge }}

Image:Next-raising in Singapore English.svg

For nearly all speakers, next and text do not rhyme, owing to a vowel split affecting the {{sc2|DRESS}} lexical set. The word next is realised with the raised vowel{{nbsp}}{{IPAblink|e}}, which is distinguished from the low-mid vowel{{nbsp}}{{IPAblink|ɛ}} in text. The raised vowel{{nbsp}}{{IPAblink|e}} occurs unsystematically in a small number of words including leg, dead and head (and their derivatives). Other words like fed and neck do not have this vowel. For many speakers, it is equivalent to the vowel in {{sc2|FACE}}, in which case dead rhymes with made, but not with fed. Taking this into account, speakers with the complete met–mat merger will distinguish lag{{nbsp}}{{IPAblink|ɛ}} from leg{{nbsp}}{{IPAblink|e}}, but not the words lad {{IPAblink|ɛ}} and led {{IPAblink|ɛ}}. The raised vowel can also occur in red, making red{{nbsp}}{{IPAblink|e}} and read{{nbsp}}{{IPAblink|ɛ}} (as in I have read the book) non-homophones.

Speakers use the raised vowel {{IPAblink|e}} in bed, dead, edge, egg, head, heavy, instead, leg, next, red, said and says,{{cite conference |first1=R. L. |last1=Starr |first2=A. |last2=Choo |title=The NEXT-TEXT split in Singapore English: Comparing self-report and speech production |conference=NWAV 48 |date=October 2019 }} though for some of these words, like edge, raising is less consistent, and varies from speaker to speaker. The vast majority of other words like mess, beg and dread continue to use the more common low-mid vowel{{nbsp}}{{IPAblink|ɛ}}. The next–text split appears to be motivated by the met–mat merger in the speech of younger Singaporeans, who are more likely than older speakers to raise the vowel in next, though younger speakers raise it to a lower height on average. While words with the raised vowel tend to end in voiced stop consonants like {{IPA|/d/}} and {{IPA|/ɡ/}}, this split is not phonologically conditioned, unlike {{IPA|/ɛɡ/}} raising in Pacific Northwest English — given that leg {{IPA|/leɡ/}} and beg {{IPA|/bɛɡ/}} do not rhyme.

The {{sc2|LOT}} vowel is a rounded, low back vowel {{IPAblink|ɔ|ɒ̝˖}}. The vowel in {{sc2|THOUGHT}}/{{sc2|COURT}} may be longer and closer to cardinal {{IPAblink|ɔː}} and this tendency is stronger before voiced consonants and in open syllables — acoustic studies by {{Harvcoltxt|Deterding|2007a|pp=14–17}} show that speakers produce an allophone of the {{sc2|THOUGHT}} vowel that is higher and further back in words not closed by final consonants, like more and saw. The {{sc2|THOUGHT}} vowel is otherwise the same as the {{sc2|LOT}} vowel for many speakers, resulting in identical pronunciations for cot and caught {{IPAblink|ɔ|ɒ̝˖}}, though newer studies seem to indicate that there are older speakers who still maintain this distinction.{{cite book|first=Rebecca Lurie|last=Starr|chapter=Changing Language, Changing Character Types|title=Social Meaning and Linguistic Variation|year=2021|isbn=9781108578684|doi=10.1017/9781108578684.014|pages=315–337}}

{{See also|Trap–bath split}}

For the majority of speakers, {{sc2|STRUT}} and {{sc2|PALM}} have identical or near-identical vowel qualities, in the vicinity of open central{{nbsp}}{{IPAblink|ä}}. Speakers may maintain a length distinction, in which case the {{sc2|PALM}} vowel is longer, though this is less likely in syllables closed by voiceless stop consonants, potentially making minimal pairs like cut and cart homophones.{{cite journal|first=Mary W. J.|last=Tay|title=The Phonology of Educated Singapore English|journal=English World-Wide|volume=3|issue=2|date=January 1982|pages=135–145|doi=10.1075/eww.3.2.02tay}} Like all free vowels, the {{sc2|PALM}}/{{sc2|START}} vowel is generally longer{{nbsp}}{{IPAblink|äː}} in open syllables.

As a general rule, the words grass, last and path are pronounced with the {{sc2|PALM}} vowel {{IPAc-en|ɑː}} {{IPAblink|ä}}—the a in father—like most dialects from the south of England.{{cite book|first=David|last=Deterding|title=English in Southeast Asia: Literacies, Literatures and Varieties|year=2007a|pages=2–29|editor-first1=David|editor-last1=Prescott|editor-first2=Andy|editor-last2=Kirkpatrick|editor-first3=Isabel|editor-last3=Martin|editor-first4=Azirah|editor-last4=Hashim|publisher=Cambridge Scholars Press|location=Newcastle, UK|chapter=The Vowels of the Different Ethnic Groups in Singapore|isbn=978-1847182241}}{{cite journal|first=Rebecca Lurie|last=Starr|title=Cross-dialectal Awareness and Use of the Bath-Trap Distinction in Singapore: Investigating the Effects of Overseas Travel and Media Consumption|journal=Journal of English Linguistics|volume=47|issue=1|year=2019|pages=55–88|doi=10.1177/0075424218819740}} Unlike some varieties of North American English, aunt{{nbsp}}{{IPA|en|ɑː}} and ant{{nbsp}}{{IPA|en|æ}} do not sound the same in Singapore English. While speakers will generally use the {{sc2|PALM}} vowel{{nbsp}}{{IPAblink|ä}} in the words laugh, ask, half, example and even some words that normally have {{IPA|en|æ}} in Southern English dialects, like plastic and elastic, many speakers will use the {{sc2|TRAP}} vowel{{nbsp}}{{IPA|en|æ}}{{nbsp}}{{IPAblink|ɛ}} in gasp. Usage of the {{sc2|TRAP}} vowel{{nbsp}}{{IPA|en|æ}} in dance and can’t has also been reported, but this is generally rare.

There are five diphthongs in Singapore English: {{IPA|[aɪ aʊ ɔɪ ɪə ʊə]}}, not counting {{sc2|FACE}}, {{sc2|GOAT}} and {{sc2|SQUARE}}. The diphthongs in {{sc2|PRICE}}, {{sc2|CHOICE}} and {{sc2|MOUTH}} do not differ significantly from their counterparts in Received Pronunciation. Words with triphthongs in other dialects, like fire and towel, are normally broken down into two syllables.{{cite book|first1=Siew Siew |last1=Lim |first2=Ee Ling |last2=Low |chapter=Triphthongs in Singapore English |title=English in Singapore: Phonetic Research on a Corpus |editor1=David Deterding |editor2=Adam Brown |editor3=Low Ee Ling |location=Singapore |publisher=McGraw-Hill Education (Asia) |year=2005 |pages=64–73 |isbn=007-124727-0 }}

The vowel in {{sc2|NEAR}} is always a centering diphthong: {{IPA|[ɪə]}}, {{IPA|[iə]}} or {{IPA|[jəː]}}.{{cite book|first=Ee-Ling|last=Low|title=English in Southeast Asia: Features, Policy and Language in Use|year=2012|pages=35–54|editor-first1=Ee-Ling|editor-last1=Low|editor-first2=Azirah|editor-last2=Hashim|publisher=John Benjamins Publishing Company|chapter=Singapore English|isbn=9789027249029}} {{Harvcoltxt|Deterding|2007b|p=26}} notes that, while words like tour and sure are always pronounced with the diphthong {{IPA|[-uə]}} or {{IPA|[-wəː]}}, many speakers will use the {{sc2|NORTH}} vowel after {{IPAc-en|j}}, like in cure and endure {{IPA|[-jɔː]}},{{cite journal|first=David|last=Deterding|title=Emergent patterns in the vowels of Singapore English|journal=English World-Wide|volume=26|issue=2|year=2005|pages=179–97|doi=10.1075/eww.26.2.04det}} if not {{IPA|[-juə]}} or {{IPA|[-jəː]}}.{{cite book|first=Jette G. Hansen|last=Edwards|title=The Sounds of English Around the World: An Introduction to Phonetics and Phonology|year=2023|page=88|isbn=9781108841665|publisher=Cambridge University Press}}

• Pronunciation of ⟨th⟩: Th-stopping is common at the start of syllables, making tree and three homophones. This is generally more common in informal settings.{{cite book|first1=S.|last1=Moorthy|first2=D.|last2=Deterding|chapter=Three or tree? Dental fricatives in the speech of educated Singaporeans|title=The English language in Singapore: Research on pronunciation|year=2000|pages=76–83|editor-first1=A.|editor-last1=Brown|editor-first2=D.|editor-last2=Deterding|editor-first3=E.-L.|editor-last3=Low|publisher=Singapore Association for Applied Linguistics|location=Singapore}} Dental fricatives may undergo th-fronting at the end of words, so teeth sounds like teef, though many speakers will use a {{IPA|[t]}} sound in the word maths {{IPA|[mɛts]}}. For some Tamil bilinguals, word-final th sounds are alternatively realised as stops.{{cite journal|first1=K.|last1=Kalaivanan|first2=F.|last2=Sumartono|first3=Y.-Y.|last3=Tan|title=The Homogenization of Ethnic Differences in Singapore English? A Consonantal Production Study|journal=Language and Speech|year=2020|volume=64 |issue=1 |doi=10.1177/0023830920925510|pages=1–18|pmid=32484011 }}
• Intervocalic t and d: Speakers with more innovative accents may realise intervocalic t and d (e.g., in little and medal) as alveolar taps or flaps, though this is generally uncommon. For the vast majority of speakers in Singapore, t and d are realised as {{IPA|[t]}} and {{IPA|[d]}} in these environments.
• Stop consonants: Stop consonants in Singapore English are usually not released at the end of words, and voiceless stops can be aspirated or unaspirated in initial positions. Moreover, word-final k may be realised as a glottal stop {{IPA|[ʔ]}}, as in Malay.{{cite journal|first=T. T. N.|last=Hung|title=Towards a phonology of Singapore English|journal=Pan-Asiatic Linguistics: Proceedings of the Fourth International Symposium on Languages and Linguistics|year=1996|pages=1429–1440}}

• Pronunciation of final "l": There are three prevalent variants of final "l" in Singapore English: dark "l"s, clear "l"s and vocalised "l"s.{{cite journal|first=Jasper|last=Hong|title=Negotiating social meanings in a plural society: Social perceptions of variants of /l/ in Singapore English|journal=Language in Society|date=2023 |volume=52|issue=4 |pages=617–644|doi=10.1017/S0047404522000173|url=https://www.cambridge.org/core/services/aop-cambridge-core/content/view/ECB56B0A6B63FAC27CF22598C276B285/S0047404522000173a.pdf/negotiating_social_meanings_in_a_plural_society_social_perceptions_of_variants_of_l_in_singapore_english.pdf}} For speakers who vocalise their "l"s, the "l" sound can be dropped entirely after back vowels, diphthongs with back vowels, and sometimes mid central vowels, so that mole sounds like mow{{nbsp}}{{IPA|[moː]}}, and small like smaw{{nbsp}}{{IPA|[smɔː]}}. The diphthong {{IPAc-en|aɪ}} is also monophthongised into {{IPAblink|ä}} before a vocalised "l", so Nile and now are similar-sounding.{{Cite book |last=Tan |first=Kah Keong |date=2005 |chapter=Vocalisation of {{IPA|/l/}} in Singapore English |title=English in Singapore: Phonetic Research on a Corpus |editor1=David Deterding |editor2=Adam Brown |editor3=Low Ee Ling |location=Singapore |publisher=McGraw-Hill Education (Asia) |pages=43–53 }}{{Cite journal |last=Wee |first=Lian-Hee |date=2008 |title=Phonological patterns in the Englishes of Singapore and Hong Kong |journal=World Englishes |volume=27 |issue=3–4 |pages=480–501|doi=10.1111/j.1467-971X.2008.00580.x }}{{cite web|title=Accents of English from Around the World|editor=Heggarty, Paul |display-editors=etal |publisher=University of Edinburgh|year=2013|url=http://www.lel.ed.ac.uk/research/gsound/}}{{Cite book |last=Lim |first=Lisa |date=2004 |chapter=Sounding Singaporean |title=Singapore English: A grammatical description |editor=Lisa Lim |isbn=9789027248930 |publisher=John Benjamins Publishing Company}} Vocalised "l"s are realised as high back vowels {{IPAblink|ʊ|ö}} with varying degrees of lip rounding. Older Chinese Singaporeans are more likely to vocalise final "l"s, and Malay speakers are more likely to use clear "l"s in these environments.
• Pronunciation of "r": The most common and predominant realisation of the r sound in Singapore English is the postalveolar approximant {{IPAblink|ɹ̠}}. The alveolar tap {{IPAblink|ɾ}} or trill {{IPAblink|r}} is an alternative realisation of r among Malay and Indian Singaporeans and older speakers in general. Among Tamil Singaporeans, the trilled variant appears to be extremely rare in comparison to the approximant and tapped r.{{cite journal|first1=Rebecca Lurie|last1=Starr|first2=Brinda|last2=Balasubramaniam|title=Variation and change in English /r/ among Tamil Indian Singaporeans|journal=World Englishes|volume=38|issue=4|year=2019|pages=630–643|doi=10.1111/weng.12357}} A rare and emergent variant of r, described as a labiodental approximant{{nbsp}}{{IPAblink|ʋ}}, has also been reported. Across English dialects, this phenomenon is known as R-labialisation.{{cite journal|first1=G. S. C.|last1=Kwek|first2=E.-L.|last2=Low|title=Emergent features of young Singaporean speech: an investigatory study of the labiodental /r/ in Singapore English|journal=Asian Englishes|year=2020|volume=23|issue=2|pages=116–136|doi=10.1080/13488678.2020.1759249}}

Final consonant clusters, like {{IPA|/-st, -sk/}}, are often simplified in conversational Singapore English, in which case list {{IPA|[lɪs]}} drops its final t, flask {{IPA|[flɑs]}} its final k, and world {{IPA|[wəɫ]}} its final d, though speakers are seldom consistent in doing so. Other examples include:

: {{IPA|/-nt, -nd/}} → {{IPA|[-n]}}: environment {{IPA|[ɛnˈvaɪɹənmən]}}, end {{IPA|[ɛn]}}

: {{IPA|/-kt/}} → {{IPA|[-k]}}: act {{IPA|[ɛʔ]}}, {{IPA|/-kst/}} → {{IPA|[-ks]}}: next {{IPA|[neʔs]}}

: {{IPA|/-ft/}} → {{IPA|[-f]}}: lift {{IPA|[lɪf]}}, {{IPA|/-fts/}} → {{IPA|[-fs]}}: lifts {{IPA|[lɪfs]}}

Combinations of two consonants with an s as the second component, like the {{IPA|/-ts/}} in rats and {{IPA|/-ɡz/}} in tags, and many other final consonant clusters do not usually undergo simplification.{{cite journal|date=2008|first1=Arto|last1=Anttila|first2=Vivienne|last2=Fong|first3=Štefan|last3=Beňuš|first4=Jennifer|last4=Nycz|title=Variation and Opacity in Singapore English Consonant Clusters.|journal=Phonology|volume=25|issue=2|pages=181–216|doi=10.1017/S0952675708001462}}

While words generally follow the lexical incidence patterns of Southern British English accents, so new for example, is pronounced nyoo, never noo like in some North American dialects, there are several exceptions.

{{col-begin}}

{{Col-2}}

• The words want and what are pronounced with the open central {{sc2|STRUT}} vowel instead of the rounded {{sc2|LOT}} vowel, like most varieties of North American English. In the English spoken in Southern England and Australia, these words are usually pronounced with the {{sc2|LOT}} vowel.
• Many speakers use the {{sc2|LOT}} vowel for won (win in the past tense), so that it rhymes with con and no longer sounds like one.
• Their is often realised as {{IPA|en|djɑː}} in informal or conversational speech, making it distinct from there {{IPA|en|dɛː}}, which rhymes with mare.

{{Col-break}}

• Flour is pronounced {{respell|FLAR}}, and is clearly distinct from flower.
• Seems and seen are sometimes realised with the lax i vowel found in words like {{sc2|KIT}}.{{cite book|last=Deterding|first=David|title=Singapore English|year=2007b|publisher=Edinburgh University Press|isbn=9780748630967}}
• The vowel in love is the mid central {{sc2|NURSE}} vowel, rather than the open {{sc2|STRUT}} vowel.
• December is sometimes De{{IPA|[z]}}ember, with a {{IPAc-en|z}}, at least for some speakers.{{Cite book|isbn=0-521-28541-0 |first=J. C. |last=Wells |title=Accents of English: Beyond the British Isles |publisher=Cambridge University Press |year=1982 |page=646 |volume=3}}
• Twelve is sometimes realised with an initial ch {{IPAc-en|tʃ}} sound.{{cite journal|author1=Chia Boh Peng|author2=Adam Brown|title=Singaporeans' reactions to Estuary English|journal=English Today|volume=18|issue=2|year=2002|pages=33–38|doi=10.1017/S0266078402002055}}

{{col-end}}

File:SgE-Intonation.svg, and L* is a pitch accent falling on stressed syllables. The gradual downwards movement of pitch towards the end of the sentence is represented by the boundary tone L%.]]

Singapore English is characterised by a unique intonational system where pitch tends to be slightly raised at the end of a word with lexical stress. According to one analysis, the rightmost syllable of a stressed word or phonological word is marked with higher pitch, while words with no stress (e.g. my house) and unstressed initial syllables (e.g. again) carry relatively lower pitch. Meanwhile, all other non-final stressed syllables (e.g. writer) coincide with a mid level tone, or a similar pitch contour between low and high levels. There is also a tendency for pitch contours to be accentuated near the start of a sentence and diminished towards the end, and for pitch to drop or level out at the end of declarative sentences. For example, in the phrase I don't remember Tone letter, pitch starts off low in I, then rises to a higher level in don't. The word remember is then realised with a less accentuated low–mid–high pitch contour.

Tone assignment only takes place within the scope of the phonological word. Cranberry takes on a high–mid–high pitch contour Tone letter, since cran and berry are analysed as separate words. Similarly, in brainstorm Tone letter, brain and storm are both assigned high pitch.{{Cite journal |last=Ng |first=E-Ching |date=March 1, 2012 |title=Chinese meets Malay meets English: origins of Singaporean English word-final high tone |journal=International Journal of Bilingualism |volume=16 |issue=1 |pages=83–100 |doi=10.1177/1367006911403216|s2cid=144346839 }} Prefixes with stress constitute their own phonological words, so the re in reenact Tone letter is high-pitched. In words where the prefix is unstressed or less salient, like unfortunate Tone letter and nonsense Tone letter, the prefix is not treated as a separate unit with stress and is therefore not assigned high pitch.

Words are not restricted to discrete level tones. One alternative analysis posits that high pitch is associated with the right edge of an accentual phrase, and low pitch with the left edge; an accentual phrase may consist of a content word with zero or any number of preceding unstressed function words. For instance, in a sentence like I joined the call, in which I joined is analysed as a single accentual phrase, joined can be realised with rising pitch starting from the low pitch in I, in lieu of consistently high pitch.{{cite journal |first1=Adam J. |last1=Chong |first2=James Sneed |last2=German |title=Prominence and intonation in Singapore English |journal=Journal of Phonetics |volume=98 |year=2023 |doi=10.1016/j.wocn.2023.101240 |url=https://hal.science/hal-04423826 }} In this model, phonological words (e.g. cran and berry in cranberry) and prefixes with stress are analysed as belonging to separate accentual phrases. Other intonational variants have also been noted. For instance, flat pitch contours can sometimes span the entire length of words and accentual phrases where rising contours would normally be expected.{{cite conference |first1=Adam J. |last1=Chong |first2=James Sneed |last2=German |title=Variability in tonal realisation in Singapore English intonation |conference=International Congress of Phonetic Sciences |location=Melbourne, Australia |date=August 2019 }}

Wider pitch range is associated with the introduction of a topic near the start of a sentence.{{Cite journal |last=Deterding |first=David |date=December 1994 |title=The intonation of Singapore English |journal=Journal of the International Phonetic Association |volume=24 |issue=2 |pages=61–72 |doi=10.1017/S0025100300005077 }} Elsewhere in the sentence, differences in pitch are less prominent, so low, mid and high tones may collapse into roughly the same pitch level. Moreover, at the end of declarative sentences and open-ended questions, "high-pitched" syllables are weaker and often replaced with a drop or leveling out in pitch. For example, in the sentence I left all my things on the table, pitch is much higher on left than it is on the second syllable of table, which has underlying high pitch but tends to be realised instead with a fall or leveling out in pitch. Yes-no questions are accompanied with rising pitch, as is the case in many other dialects of English. Rising pitch is also commonly used when there is non-final information at the end of an utterance, sometimes to indicate a non-final item in a list.

Unstressed initial syllables are often realised with shorter duration and lower intensity. There is also a tendency for the last syllable in an utterance to be lengthened or dragged out.

Singapore English tends towards syllable timing, unlike British English, which is considered stress-timed.{{cite journal|author1=Low Ee Ling|author2=Esther Grabe|author3=Francis Nolan|title=Quantitative Characterizations of Speech Rhythm: Syllable-Timing in Singapore English|journal=Language and Speech|volume=43|issue=4|year=2000|pages=377–401|doi=10.1177/0023830900043004030|doi-broken-date=31 May 2025 }}

{{Further|Eurasians in Singapore}}

A wide range of foreign English dialects can be heard in Singapore. American and British accents are often heard on local television and radio due to the frequent airing of foreign television programmes.{{cite web|title=Channel 5 on xinmsn Entertainment|url=http://entertainment.xin.msn.com/en/tv/channel-5/programmes/|publisher=xinmsn Entertainment|access-date=7 June 2013|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130514205107/http://entertainment.xin.msn.com/en/tv/channel-5/programmes/|archive-date=14 May 2013|url-status=dead}}

{{Main|Singlish}}

Unlike Singapore Standard English, Singlish includes many discourse particles and loan words from Malay, Mandarin and Hokkien. Many of such loan words include swear words, particularly Hokkien profanities such as "kanina" and "chee bai".{{Cite web|url=https://www.guidesify.com/blog/2017/08/13/singlish-phrases-define-singapore/|title=Singlish Guide: 125 Phrases/Words That Define SG (Singaporean English)|website=guidesify.com|date=13 August 2017 |access-date=11 September 2018}} Hence, it is commonly regarded with low prestige in the country and not used in formal communication.{{cite book |last1=Mercer |first1=Neil |last2=Maybin |first2=Janet |year=1996 |title=Using English: From Conversation to Canon |publisher=Routledge |location=United Kingdom |isbn=0-415-13120-0 |page=229 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=zAct-WT7ywcC |quote=Another interesting feature of Lee's songs is the (nonstandard) pronunciation of Singapore English speakers in [...] playful use of features of Singaporean English that have strong cultural connotations, Dick Lee is successfully able to [...]}}

However, Singlish has been used in several locally produced films, including Army Daze,{{cite web|last=Mair|first=Victor|title=Wah piang eh! Si beh farnee!|url=http://itre.cis.upenn.edu/~myl/languagelog/archives/003798.html|publisher=Language Log|access-date=7 June 2013|date=21 November 2006}} Mee Pok Man[http://pdfserve.informaworld.com/994096_759371874_713768310.pdf] {{dead link|date=June 2016|bot=medic}}{{cbignore|bot=medic}} and Talking Cock the Movie,{{cite magazine|last=Tan|first=Hwee Hwee|title=A War of Words Over 'Singlish'|url=http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,322685,00.html|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20070703114732/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,322685,00.html|url-status=dead|archive-date=3 July 2007|magazine=Time|access-date=7 June 2013|date=22 July 2002}} among others. Some local sitcoms, in particular Phua Chu Kang Pte Ltd,{{cite web|last=Srilal|first=Mohan|title=Quick Quick: 'Singlish' is out in re-education campaign|url=http://www.atimes.com/se-asia/AH28Ae05.html|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20000925130805/http://atimes.com/se-asia/AH28Ae05.html|url-status=unfit|archive-date=25 September 2000|work=Asia Times|access-date=7 June 2013|date=28 August 1999}} also feature extensive use of Singlish.

The proliferation of Singlish has been controversial and the use of Singlish is not endorsed by the government. Singapore's first two prime ministers, Lee Kuan Yew and Goh Chok Tong, have publicly declared{{cite book|last=Deterding|first=David|title=Singapore English|year=2007|publisher=Edinburgh University Press|location=United Kingdom|pages=90–91|isbn=978-0-7486-2544-4|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=VP_HO_Q5rEUC}} that Singlish is a substandard variety that handicaps Singaporeans, presents an obstacle to learning standard English, and renders the speaker incomprehensible to everyone except another Singlish speaker. The country's third, Lee Hsien Loong, has also said that Singlish should not be part of Singapore's identity.{{cite news|last=Au Young|first=Jeremy|title=Singlish? Don't make it part of Spore identity: PM|publisher=AsiaOne News|date=22 September 2007|url=https://www.asiaone.com/News/AsiaOne+News/Singapore/Story/A1Story20070922-26463.html|access-date=4 August 2016|url-status=live|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20160921213200/http://news.asiaone.com/News/AsiaOne+News/Singapore/Story/A1Story20070922-26463.html|archive-date=21 September 2016}} In addition, the government launched the Speak Good English Movement in 2000 to encourage Singaporeans to speak proper English.{{cite web|title=Singapore to launch speak-good-English campaign|url=http://www.singapore-window.org/sw99/90830afp.htm|agency=Agence France-Presse|access-date=7 June 2013|date=30 August 1999|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130622034209/http://www.singapore-window.org/sw99/90830afp.htm|archive-date=22 June 2013|url-status=dead}}

Despite strong criticisms of Singlish, linguist David Yoong has put forward the argument that "Singaporeans who subscribe to Singlish and have a positive attitude towards the code see Singlish as a language that transcends social barriers" and that the language can be used to "forge rapport and, perhaps more importantly, the Singaporean identity".[http://www.latrobe.edu.au/rclt/ALS2009/abstracts/Yoong.pdf] {{webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20120330162432/http://www.latrobe.edu.au/rclt/ALS2009/abstracts/Yoong.pdf|date=30 March 2012}} Sociolinguist Anthea Fraser Gupta also argues that Singlish and standard English can and do co-exist, saying that "there is no evidence that the presence of Singlish causes damage to standard English". This was followed by organisers of the Speak Good English Movement clarifying that they are "not anti-Singlish", with their primary intention instead to ensure that Singaporeans are able to speak standard English first. A spokesperson was quoted as saying: "The presence of Singlish causes damage to standard English only when people do not have a good grounding in standard English".Anthea Fraser Gupta, "Singapore Colloquial English and Standard English", Singapore Journal of Education 10/2 (1989): 33–39. Online at https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/02188798908547659

and

https://doi.org/10.1080/02188798908547659{{Cite web|url=https://www.asiaone.com/News/Education/Story/A1Story20081209-106379.html|title=Linguists speak up for Singlish|website=www.asiaone.com|access-date=2020-02-13}}

In 2010, speakers of English in Singapore were classified into five different groups:

1. Those who have no knowledge of English (extremely few people, most of whom were born before the 1940s);
2. Those who regard English as a foreign language, have limited command of, and seldom speak the language (mostly the older age groups);
3. Those who learnt English at school and can use it but have a dominant other language (many people, of all ages);
4. Those who learnt English at school and use it as their dominant language (many people, of all ages);
5. Those who learnt English as a native language (sometimes as a sole native language, but usually alongside other languages) and use it as their dominant language (many people, mostly children born after 1965 to highly educated parents).{{cite book|last=Foley|first=Joseph|title=English in new cultural contexts: reflections from Singapore|year=1998|publisher=Singapore Institute of Management|location=Singapore|isbn=978-0195884159|chapter-url=https://books.google.com/books?id=cLVZAAAAMAAJ|access-date=7 June 2013|chapter=4}}

{{As of|2015}}, English is the most commonly spoken language in Singaporean homes. One effect of mass immigration into Singapore since 2000, especially from China, has been an increase in the proportion of the population to whom English is a foreign language. The most recent trend in Singapore favours an increasing use of English as well as stability in the use of Mandarin at the expense of other varieties of Chinese (apparently as the Chinese population switches first to Mandarin, then to English) while the use of Malay slowly erodes.

In 2010, 52% of Chinese children and 26% of Malay children aged between 5 and 14 speak English at home, as compared to 36% and 9.4% respectively in 2000.{{cite web|last=Musfirah|first=Hetty|title=Latest census show more younger Singaporeans speaking English at home|url=http://news.xin.msn.com/en/singapore/article.aspx?cp-documentid=4584547|publisher=xinmsn news|access-date=7 June 2013|date=18 January 2011}}{{Dead link|date=November 2019 |bot=InternetArchiveBot |fix-attempted=yes }}

English is Singapore's main and one of the four official languages, along with Malay, Chinese and Tamil.[http://statutes.agc.gov.sg/aol/search/display/view.w3p;ident=5eb795f2-ceb1-488a-a70b-71d251cb741a;page=0;query=CompId%3Afadfb638-9566-417c-ae6b-b68384ce5834;rec=0;resUrl=http%3A%2F%2Fstatutes.agc.gov.sg%2Faol%2Fbrowse%2FtitleResults.w3p%3Bletter%3DConstitutional%2520Documents%3Btype%3DactsAll#pr153A-he-. 153A Official languages and national language, Part XIII General Provisions, Constitution of the Republic of Singapore]. The symbolic national language is Malay for historical reasons. All official signs, legislation and documents are required to be in English, although translations in the other official languages are sometimes included, though it is not necessary. Under the education system, English is the language of instruction for all subjects except the official Mother Tongue languages (the other three official languages) and the literatures of those languages.

• Commonwealth English

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• {{cite journal |author1=Rachel Siew Kuang Tan |author2=Ee-Ling Low |title=How different are the monophthongs of Malay speakers of Malaysian and Singapore English? |journal=English World-Wide |date=January 2010 |volume=31 |issue=2 |pages=162–189 |doi=10.1075/eww.31.2.03tan |url=https://www.jbe-platform.com/content/journals/10.1075/eww.31.2.03tan|url-access=subscription }}

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{{Languages of Singapore}}

{{English dialects by continent}}

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Category:Dialects of English

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Category:City colloquials

Category:Southeast Asian English