New Left

File:Herbert Marcuse in Newton, Massachusetts 1955.jpeg, associated with the Frankfurt School of critical theory, is celebrated as the "Father of the New Left".{{cite web |url=http://www.uta.edu/huma/illuminations/kell12.htm |first=Douglas |last=Kellner |title=Herbert Marcuse |publisher=University of Texas |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20060202011004/http://www.uta.edu/huma/illuminations/kell12.htm |archive-date=2 February 2006 |series=Illuminations}}]]

The origins of the New Left have been traced to several factors. Prominently, the confused response of the Communist Party of the USA and the Communist Party of Great Britain to the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 led some Marxist intellectuals to develop a more democratic approach to politics, opposed to what they saw as the centralised and authoritarian politics of the pre-World War II leftist parties. The Marxists who became disillusioned with the authoritarian nature of Communist Parties eventually formed the "new left".

Initially, the movement was composed of dissenting Communist Party intellectuals and campus groups in the United Kingdom; later it incorporated student radicals in the United States and in the Western Bloc.{{cite book |last=Kenny |first=Michael |title=The First New Left: British Intellectuals After Stalin |publisher=Lawrence & Wishart |location=London}} The term {{lang|fr|nouvelle gauche}} was already current in France in the 1950s. It was associated with {{lang|fr|France Observateur}}, and its editor Claude Bourdet, who attempted to form a third position, between the dominant Stalinist and social democratic tendencies of the left, and the two Cold War blocs. It was from this French "new left" that the "First New Left" of Britain borrowed the term.{{Cite journal |last=Hall |first=Stuart |author-link=Stuart Hall (cultural theorist) |title=Life and times of the first New Left |volume=II |url=https://newleftreview.org/issues/ii61/articles/stuart-hall-life-and-times-of-the-first-new-left |journal=New Left Review |issue=61 |date=January–February 2010}}

The German critical theorist Herbert Marcuse is referred to as the "Father of the New Left". He rejected the orthodox Marxist view of the revolutionary proletariat; instead, he labeled the 1960s Black Power and student movements as the new challengers of capitalism. In a speech at UC Berkeley in 1971, Marcuse said: "I still consider the radical student movement and the Black and Brown militants as the only real opposition we have in this country."{{cite book |last1=Marcuse |first1=Herbert |editor1-last=Kellner |editor1-first=Douglas |author-link=Herbert Marcuse |title=The New Left and the 1960s: Collected Papers of Herbert Marcuse, Volume III |year=2004 |publisher=Routledge |page=142 |isbn=978-0415137829}} According to Leszek Kołakowski, noted critic of Marxist thought, Marcuse argued that since "all questions of material existence have been solved, moral commands and prohibitions are no longer relevant". He regarded the realization of man's erotic nature, or Eros, as the true liberation of humanity, which inspired the utopias of Jerry Rubin and others.{{cite book |last=Kołakowski |first=Leszek |author-link=Leszek Kołakowski |title=Main Currents Of Marxism |volume=III |year=1981 |publisher=Oxford University Press |isbn=0-19-285109-8 |page=[https://archive.org/details/goldenagemaincur00lesz/page/416 416] |url=https://archive.org/details/goldenagemaincur00lesz/page/416}} However, Marcuse also believed the concept of Logos, which involves one's reason, would absorb Eros over time.{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=2KMIkcicAowC&q=eros+and+civilization+logos&pg=PA125 |title=Eros and Civilization |first=Herbert |last=Marcuse |author-link=Herbert Marcuse |publisher=Beacon Press |pages=125–126 |date=1955 |isbn=978-1-135-86371-5 |access-date=28 August 2018 |via=Google Books}} Prominent New Left thinker Ernst Bloch believed that socialism would prove the means for all human beings to become immortal and eventually create God.{{cite book |last=Kołakowski |first=Leszek |author-link=Leszek Kołakowski |title=Main Currents Of Marxism |volume=III |year=1981 |publisher=Oxford University Press |isbn=0-19-285109-8 |pages=[https://archive.org/details/goldenagemaincur00lesz/page/436 436–440] |url=https://archive.org/details/goldenagemaincur00lesz/page/436 |postscript=,}} quoting Dans Prinzip Hoffnung pp. 1380–1628.

The writings of sociologist C. Wright Mills (1916–1962), who popularized the term 'New Left' in a 1960 open letter,{{cite journal |title=Letter to the New Left |url=https://www.marxists.org/subject/humanism/mills-c-wright/letter-new-left.htm |first=C. Wright |last=Mills |author-link=C. Wright Mills |journal=New Left Review |volume=I |issue=5 |date=September–October 1960 |via=Marxists Internet Archive}} also inspired the movement. According to biographer Daniel Geary, Mills' works such as White Collar (1951), The Power Elite (1956), and The Sociological Imagination (1959) had a "particularly significant impact on New Left social movements of the 1960s".{{cite book |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Z4yNnGJLHU8C&q=c+wright+mills+%22university+of+maryland%22 |title=Radical Ambition: C. Wright Mills, the Left, and American Social Thought |first=Daniel |last=Geary |page=1 |publisher=University of California Press |year=2009 |isbn=978-0520943445 |via=Google Books}}

As a result of Nikita Khrushchev's Secret Speech denouncing Joseph Stalin, many abandoned the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) and began to rethink orthodox Marxism. Some joined various Trotskyist groupings or the Labour Party.{{cite book |first=Dennis L. |last=Dworkin |date=1997 |title=Cultural Marxism in Postwar Britain: History, the New Left, and the Origins of Cultural Studies |page=46 |publisher= Duke University Press Books |isbn=978-0822319092}}

The Marxist historians E. P. Thompson and John Saville of the Communist Party Historians Group published a dissenting journal within the CPGB called Reasoner. Refusing to discontinue the publication at the behest of the CPGB, the two were suspended from party membership and relaunched the journal in the summer of 1957 as The New Reasoner.

Thompson was especially important in bringing the concept of a "New Left" to the United Kingdom in the summer of 1959 with a New Reasoner lead essay, in which he described

{{quote|

a generation which never looked upon the Soviet Union as a weak but heroic Workers' State; but rather as the nation of the Great Purges and Stalingrad, of Stalin's Byzantine Birthday and of Khrushchev's Secret Speech; as the vast military and industrial power which repressed the Hungarian rising and threw the first sputniks into space....

A generation nourished on 1984 and Animal Farm, which enters politics at the extreme point of disillusion where the middle-aged begin to get out. The young people... are enthusiastic enough. But their enthusiasm is not for the Party, or the Movement, or the established Political Leaders. They do not mean to give their enthusiasm cheaply away to any routine machine. They expect the politicians to do their best to trick or betray them. ... They prefer the amateur organisation and amateurish platforms of the Nuclear Disarmament Campaign to the method and manner of the left wing professional. ... They judge with the critical eyes of the first generation of the Nuclear Age.{{cite magazine |first=E. P. |last=Thompson |title=The New Left |magazine=The New Reasoner |number=9 |date=Summer 1959 |pages=1–2 |url=https://banmarchive.org.uk/new-reasoner/the-summer-1959/the-new-left/}}}}

Later that year, Saville published a piece in the same journal which identified the emergence of the British New Left as a response to the increasing political irrelevance of socialists inside and outside the Labour Party during the 1950s, which he saw as being the result of a failure by the established left to come to grips with the political changes that had come to pass internationally after World War II, specifically, the economic expansion and the socio-economic legacy of the Attlee ministry:

{{quote|

The most important single reason for the miserable performance of the Left in this past decade is the simple fact of its intellectual collapse in the face of full employment and the welfare state at home, and of a new world situation abroad. The Left in domestic matters has produced nothing of substance to offset the most important book of the decade – Crosland's "The Future of Socialism" – a brilliant restatement of Fabian ideas in contemporary terms. We have made no sustained critique of the economics of capitalism in the 1950s, and our vision of a socialist society has changed hardly at all since the days of Keir Hardie. Certainly a minority has begun to recognise our deficiencies in the most recent years, and there is no doubt that the seeds which have already been sown will bring an increasing harvest as we move along the sixties. But we still have a long way to go, and there are far too many timeless militants for whom the mixture is the same as before.{{cite journal |last1=Saville |first1=John |author1-link=John Saville |date=Autumn 1959 |title=A Note on West Fife |url=http://banmarchive.org.uk/collections/nr/10_09.pdf |access-date=20 November 2016 |journal=New Reasoner |issue=10 |pages=9–13}}}}

In 1960, The New Reasoner merged with the Universities and Left Review to form New Left Review. a publication aimed at making the ideas of culturally oriented theorists available to an undergraduate reading audience. These early New Left journals attempted to forge a Marxist revisionist position of "socialist humanism", departing from orthodox Marxist theory. In a 2010 retrospective, Stuart Hall wrote, "I was troubled by the failure of orthodox Marxism to deal adequately with either 'Third World' issues of race and ethnicity, and questions of racism, or with literature and culture, which preoccupied me intellectually as an undergraduate."

During the late 1950s–early '60s period, many New Leftists were involved in the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament (CND), which formed in 1957. According to Robin Blackburn, "The decline of CND by late 1961, however, deprived the New Left of much of its momentum as a movement, and uncertainties and divisions within the Board of the journal led to the transfer of the Review to a younger and less experienced group in 1962."{{Cite magazine |last=Blackburn |first=Robin |author-link=Robin Blackburn |title=A brief history of New Left Review |url=https://newleftreview.org/pages/history |website=New Left Review |quote=From 1962 to 1963 a tentative and transitional magazine, of more restricted scope, appeared, with Perry Anderson as editor.}}

Under the long-standing editorial leadership of Perry Anderson, New Left Review popularised the Frankfurt School, Antonio Gramsci, Louis Althusser, and other forms of Marxism. Other periodicals like Socialist Register, started in 1964, and Radical Philosophy, started in 1972, have been associated with the New Left, and published a range of important writings in this field.

As the campus orientation of the American New Left became clear in the mid to late 1960s, the student sections of the British New Left began taking action. The London School of Economics became a key site of British student militancy.{{sfn|Hoch|Schoenbach|1969}} The influence of protests against the Vietnam War and of the May 1968 events in France were also felt strongly throughout the British New Left—some responded by joining the International Socialists, which later became Socialist Workers Party, while others got involved with groups such as the International Marxist Group.{{cite book |first=Ian |last=Adams |title=Ideology and politics in Britain today |date=1998 |page=191 |publisher=Manchester University Press |isbn=978-0719050565}}{{cite book |author-link=Tariq Ali |last=Ali |first=Tariq |year=2005 |orig-date=1987 |title=Street Fighting Years: An Autobiography of the Sixties |location=London |publisher=Verso |isbn=1-84467-029-5 |pages=188–189}} The politics of the British New Left can be contrasted with Solidarity, which focused on industrial issues from a libertarian perspective.

Another significant figure in the British New Left was Stuart Hall, a black cultural theorist in Britain. He was the founding editor of New Left Review in 1960. In an obituary following his death in February 2014, Robin Blackburn wrote in New Left Review: "His exemplary investigations came close to inventing a new field of study, 'cultural studies'; in his vision, the new discipline was profoundly political in inspiration and radically interdisciplinary in character."{{cite journal |last=Blackburn |first=Robin |author-link=Robin Blackburn |title=Stuart Hall: 1932–2014 |journal=New Left Review |volume=II |issue=86 |publisher=New Left Review |date=March–April 2014 |url=http://newleftreview.org/II/86/robin-blackburn-stuart-hall-1932-2014}}

Numerous Black British scholars attributed their interest in cultural studies to Hall, including Paul Gilroy, Angela McRobbie, Isaac Julien, and John Akomfrah. In the words of Indian literary theorist Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, "Academics worldwide could not think 'Black Britain' before Stuart Hall. And in Britain the impact of Cultural Studies went beyond the confines of the academy."{{cite magazine |last1=Spivak |first1=Gayatri Chakravorty |last2=Gilbert |first2=Jeremy |last3=Fisher |first3=Jean |date=1 May 2014 |magazine=Radical Philosophy |url=https://www.radicalphilosophy.com/obituary/stuart-hall-1932-2014 |title=Stuart Hall, 1932–2014 |access-date=5 December 2014}}

File:Cover of SDS pamphlet circa 1966.jpg pamphlet]]

{{Socialism US}}

In the United States, "New Left" was the name loosely associated with radical, Marxist political movements that arose during the 1960s, primarily among college students. At the core of these movements was the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS).{{sfn|Burner|1996|p=151}} Noting the perversion of "the older Left" by "Stalinism", in their 1962 Port Huron Statement the SDS eschewed "formulas" and "closed theories". Instead they called for a "new left ... committed to deliberativeness, honesty [and] reflection". The New Left that developed in the following years was "a loosely organized, mostly white student movement that advocated for democracy, civil rights, and various types of university reforms, and protested against the Vietnam war".{{sfn|McMillian|Buhle|2003|p=5}}

The term "New Left" was popularised in the United States in an open letter, entitled Letter to the New Left, written in 1960 by sociologist C. Wright Mills. He argued for a revamped leftist ideology, moving away from the ("Old Left") focus on issues solely pertinent to labor (whose entrenched union leadership in the U.S. supported the Cold War and pragmatic establishment politics) into a broader set of issues such as opposing alienation, anomie, and authoritarianism. Mills argued for a shift from traditional leftism toward the values of the counterculture, and he emphasized the movement's international perspective.{{cite journal |first=Daniel |last=Geary |title='Becoming International Again': C. Wright Mills and the Emergence of a Global New Left, 1956–1962 |journal=Journal of American History |date=December 2008 |volume=95 |issue=3 |pages=710–736|doi=10.2307/27694377 |jstor=27694377 }} According to David Burner, Mills claimed that the proletariat (collectively, the working class as defined by Marxism) were no longer the revolutionary force; the new agents of revolutionary change were young intellectuals around the world.{{sfn|Burner|1996|p=155}}

A student protest called the Free Speech Movement took place during the 1964–1965 academic year on the campus of UC Berkeley under the informal leadership of students Mario Savio, Jack Weinberg, Brian Turner, Bettina Aptheker, Steve Weissman, Art Goldberg, Jackie Goldberg, and others. In protests unprecedented in scope at the time, students insisted that the university administration lift the ban on campus political activities and acknowledge the students' right to free speech and academic freedom. On 2 December 1964 on the steps of Sproul Hall, Mario Savio delivered a speech with these famous passages:{{blockquote|[T]he faculty are a bunch of employees, and we're the raw material! But we're a bunch of raw material[s] that don't mean to have any process upon us, don't mean to be made into any product, don't mean to end up being bought by some clients of the University, be they the government, be they industry, be they organized labor, be they anyone! We're human beings! ... There's a time when the operation of the machine becomes so odious—makes you so sick at heart—that you can't take part. You can't even passively take part. And you've got to put your bodies upon the gears and upon the wheels, upon the levers, upon all the apparatus, and you've got to make it stop. And you've got to indicate to the people who run it, to the people who own it, that unless you're free, the machine will be prevented from working at all.{{cite web |title=Mario Savio's speech before the FSM sit-in |publisher=Free Speech Movement Archives (FSM-A) |url=https://www.fsm-a.org/stacks/mario/mario_speech.html}}{{cite web |first=Michael E. |last=Eidenmuller |url=https://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/mariosaviosproulhallsitin.htm |title=American Rhetoric: Mario Savio – Sproul Hall Sit-In Address |website=American Rhetoric |access-date=13 October 2017}}}}

The New Left opposed what it saw as the prevailing authority structures in society, which it termed "The Establishment", and those who rejected this authority became known as the "anti-Establishment". The New Left focused on social activists and their approach to organization, convinced that they could be the source for a better kind of social revolution.

The New Left in the United States also included anarchist, countercultural, and hippie-related radical groups such as the Yippies (who were led by Abbie Hoffman), the Diggers,{{cite book |editor1-first=John Campbell |editor1-last=McMillian |editor2-first=Paul |editor2-last=Buhle |title=The New Left Revisited |location=Philadelphia |publisher=Temple University Press |year=2003 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=U_Ohks41z2IC&pg=PA112 |access-date=28 December 2011 |isbn=978-1-56639-976-0 |page=112 |via=Google Books}} Up Against the Wall Motherfuckers, and the White Panther Party. By late 1966, the Diggers opened free stores which simply gave away their stock, provided free food, distributed free drugs, gave away money, organized free music concerts, and performed works of political art.{{cite book |last=Lytle |first=Mark H. |title=America's Uncivil Wars: The Sixties Era from Elvis to the Fall of Richard Nixon |publisher=Oxford University Press |year=2006 |isbn=0-19-517496-8 |pages=[https://archive.org/details/americasuncivilw00lytl/page/213 213, 215] |url=https://archive.org/details/americasuncivilw00lytl/page/213 |url-access=registration }} The Diggers took their name from the original English Diggers led by Gerrard Winstanley{{cite web |url=http://www.diggers.org/overview.htm |title=Overview: who were (are) the Diggers? |access-date=17 June 2007 |work=The Digger Archives}} and sought to create a mini-society free of money and capitalism.{{cite video |people=Gail Dolgin; Vicente Franco |date=2007 |title=American Experience: The Summer of Love |url=https://www.pbs.org/wgbh/amex/love/index.html |publisher=PBS |access-date=23 April 2007}} On the other hand, the Yippies (the name allegedly coming from Youth International Party) employed theatrical gestures, such as advancing a pig ("Pigasus the Immortal") as a candidate for president in 1968, to mock the social status quo.{{cite encyclopedia |url=http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_g1epc/is_tov/ai_2419101355/pg_2 |encyclopedia=St. James Encyclopedia of Pop Culture |title=Yippies |first=David |last=Holloway |year=2002}} They have been described as a highly theatrical, anti-authoritarian, and anarchist{{cite book |first=Abbie |last=Hoffman |title=Soon to be a Major Motion Picture |page=128 |publisher=Perigee Books |date=1980}} youth movement of "symbolic politics".{{cite book |last=Gitlin |first=Todd |title=The Sixties: Years of Hope, Days of Rage |location=New York |year=1993 |publisher=Random House Publishing Group |isbn=978-0553372120}} According to ABC News, "The group was known for street theater pranks and was once referred to as the 'Groucho Marxists'."{{cite web |url=https://abcnews.go.com/Entertainment/popup?id=3321269&contentIndex=1&page=9&start=false |title=1969: Height of the Hippies |publisher=ABC News |access-date=11 October 2013}} Many of the "old school" political left either ignored or denounced them.

Many New Left thinkers in the United States were influenced by the Vietnam War and the Chinese Cultural Revolution. Some in the U.S. New Left argued that since the Soviet Union could no longer be considered the world center for proletarian revolution, new revolutionary Communist thinkers had to be substituted in its place, such as Mao Zedong, Ho Chi Minh and Fidel Castro.{{cite book |first=Edward J. |last=Bacciocco |date=1974 |title=The New Left in America: reform to revolution, 1956 to 1970 |page=21}} Todd Gitlin in The Whole World Is Watching in describing the movement's influences stated, "The New Left, again, refused the self-discipline of explicit programmatic statement until too late—until, that is, the Marxist–Leninist sects filled the vacuum with dogmas, with clarity on the cheap."{{cite book |last=Gitlin |first=Todd |author-link=Todd Gitlin |date=2003 |title=The Whole World Is Watching: Mass Media in the Making & Unmaking of the New Left |publisher=University of California Press |page=179}}

Isserman (2001) reports that the New Left "came to use the word 'liberal' as a political epithet".{{cite book |first=Maurice |last=Isserman |date=2001 |title=The Other American: The Life of Michael Harrington |page=276}} Historian Richard Ellis (1998) says that the SDS's search for their own identity "increasingly meant rejecting, even demonizing, liberalism".{{cite book |first=Richard J. |last=Ellis |date=1998 |title=The Dark Side of the Left: Illiberal Egalitarianism in America |page=129 |publisher=University Press of Kansas |isbn=0700608753}} As Wolfe (2010) notes, "no one hated liberals more than leftists".{{cite magazine |first=Alan |last=Wolfe |date=13 May 2010 |title=Jeremiah, American-style |magazine=New Republic |page=31}}

Other elements of the U.S. New Left were anarchist and looked to libertarian socialist traditions of American radicalism, the Industrial Workers of the World and union militancy. This group coalesced around the historical journal Radical America. American Autonomist Marxism derived from this stream, for instance, in the thought of Harry Cleaver. Murray Bookchin was also part of the anarchist strain in the New Left, as were the Yippies.{{cite book |last=Avrich |first=Paul |author-link=Paul Avrich |date=2005 |title=Anarchist voices: an oral history of anarchism in America |page=527}}

The U.S. New Left drew inspiration first from the civil disobedience of the civil rights movement, particularly the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), and then from black radicalism, particularly the Black Power movement and the more explicitly Maoist and militant Black Panther Party. The Panthers in turn influenced other similar militant groups, like the Young Lords, the Brown Berets and the American Indian Movement. Students immersed themselves into poor communities building up support with the locals.{{cite book |first1=Maurice |last1=Isserman |first2=Michael |last2=Kazin |title=America Divided: The Civil War of the 1960s |location=Oxford |publisher=Oxford University Press |year=1999 |page=169 |isbn=978-0195091908}} The New Left sought to be a broad-based, grass-roots movement.{{sfn|McMillian|Buhle|2003|p=4}}

The Vietnam War conducted by liberal President Lyndon B. Johnson was a special target across the worldwide New Left. Johnson and his top officials became unwelcome on American campuses. The anti-war movement escalated the rhetorical heat, as violence broke out on both sides. The climax came at the 1968 Democratic National Convention.

The New Left also helped set in motion the rebirth of feminism.{{sfn|Isserman|Kazin|1999|p=295}} With sexism being rampant in certain sections of the New Left,{{cite book |first=Winifred |last=Breines |title=The Trouble between Us: An Uneasy History of White and Black Women in the Feminist Movement |date=2006 |publisher=Oxford University Press |location=New York |doi=10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195179040.003.0003 |isbn=9780199788583 |url=https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195179040.003.0003}}{{Cite news |url=https://jweekly.com/2022/07/19/yippie-girl-in-her-new-memoir-judy-gumbo-talks-jewish-activists-the-chicago-7-and-defeating-the-fbi/ |title='Yippie Girl': Judy Gumbo's memoir of 'defeating the FBI' |first=Andrew |last=Esensten |newspaper=J |date=19 July 2022 |access-date=12 April 2023}} women reacted to the lack of progressive gender politics with their own social intellectual movement.{{sfn|McMillian|Buhle|2003|p=6}} In addition, the New Left was an incubator for the modern environmentalist movement, which clashed with the Old Left's disregard for environmental matters in favor of preserving jobs of union workers. Environmentalism also gave rise to various other social justice movements such as the environmental justice movement, which aims to prevent the toxification of the environment of minority and disadvantaged communities.

By 1968, however, the New Left coalition began to split. The anti-war Democratic presidential nomination campaign of Kennedy and McCarthy brought the central issue of the New Left into the mainstream liberal establishment. The 1972 nomination of George McGovern further highlighted the new influence of Liberal protest movements within the Democratic establishment. Increasingly, feminist and gay rights groups became important parts of the Democratic coalition, thus satisfying many of the same constituencies that were previously unserved by the mainstream parties. This institutionalization took away all but the most radical members of the New Left. The remaining radical core of the SDS, dissatisfied with the pace of change, incorporated violent tendencies towards social transformation. After 1969, the Weathermen, a surviving faction of SDS, attempted to launch a guerrilla war in an incident known as the "Days of Rage". Finally, in 1970 three members of the Weathermen blew themselves up in a Greenwich Village brownstone trying to make a bomb out of a stick of dynamite and an alarm clock.{{cite web |url=http://www.digitalhistory.uh.edu/database/article_display.cfm?HHID=376 |title=America in Ferment: The Tumultuous 1960s |url-status=dead |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20111116170600/http://www.digitalhistory.uh.edu/database/article_display.cfm?HHID=376 |archive-date=16 November 2011 |website=Digital History |publisher=University of Houston}} Port Huron Statement participant Jack Newfield wrote in 1971 that "in its Weathermen, Panther and Yippee incarnations, [the New Left] seems anti-democratic, terroristic, dogmatic, stoned on rhetoric and badly disconnected from everyday reality".{{cite news |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=A-MCAAAAMBAJ&pg=PA39 |title=A Populist Manifesto: The Making of a New Majority |work=New York |date=19 July 1971 |access-date=6 January 2015 |last=Newfield |first=Jack |pages=39–46 |via=Google Books}} In contrast, the more moderate groups associated with the New Left increasingly became central players in the Democratic Party and thus in mainstream American politics.

{{Main|Hippies|Yippies}}

File:Abbie Hoffman visiting the University of Oklahoma circa 1969.jpg, leader of the countercultural protest group the Yippies]]

The hippie subculture was originally a youth movement that arose in the United States during the mid-1960s and spread to other countries around the world. The Beats adopted the term hip, and early hippies inherited the language and countercultural values of the Beat Generation and mimicked some of the current values of the British Mod scene. Hippies created their own communities, listened to psychedelic rock, embraced the sexual revolution, and some used drugs such as cannabis, LSD, and psilocybin mushrooms to explore altered states of consciousness.

The Yippies, who were seen as an offshoot of the hippie movements parodying as a political party, came to national attention during their celebration of the 1968 spring equinox, when some 3,000 of them took over Grand Central Terminal in New York, resulting in 61 arrests. The Yippies, especially their leaders Abbie Hoffman and Jerry Rubin, became notorious for their theatrics, such as trying to levitate the Pentagon at the October 1967 war protest, and such slogans as "Rise up and abandon the creeping meatball!" Their stated intention to protest the 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago in August, including nominating their own candidate, "Lyndon Pigasus Pig" (an actual pig), was also widely publicized in the media at this time.[https://web.archive.org/web/20080407222801/http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,900067,00.html "The Politics of Yip"]. Time. 5 April 1968. In Cambridge, hippies congregated each Sunday for a large "be-in" at Cambridge Park with swarms of drummers and those beginning the Women's Movement. In the United States the hippie movement started to be seen as part of the "New Left" which was associated with anti-war college campus protest movements.

{{Main|Students for a Democratic Society}}

The organization that came to symbolize the New Left in the U.S. was the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS). By 1962, the SDS had emerged as the most important of the new campus radical groups; soon it would be regarded as virtually synonymous with the "New Left".{{cite book |last=Isserman |first=Maurice |title=If I Had a Hammer: The Death of the Old Left and the Birth of the New Left |location=New York |publisher=Basic Books |year=1987 |page=174}} In 1962, Tom Hayden wrote its founding document, the Port Huron Statement,{{cite web |title=Port Huron Statement of the Students for a Democratic Society, 1962 |url=http://coursesa.matrix.msu.edu/~hst306/documents/huron.html |location=New York, N.Y. |publisher=Students for a Democratic Society |year=1962 |oclc=647506237 |access-date=7 November 2012 |url-status=dead |archive-date=5 July 2009 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20090705062937/http://coursesa.matrix.msu.edu/~hst306/documents/huron.html }} which issued a call for "participatory democracy" based on non-violent civil disobedience. This was the idea that individual citizens could help make "those social decisions determining the quality and direction" of their lives.{{sfn|Isserman|Kazin|1999|p=169}} The SDS marshaled antiwar, pro-civil rights and free speech concerns on campuses, and brought together liberals and more revolutionary leftists.

File:Vietnamdem.jpg in Arlington, Virginia, 21 October 1967.]]

The SDS became the leading anti-war organization on college campuses during the Vietnam War. As the war escalated, SDS membership increased greatly, with more students willing to scrutinise the nation's political decisions in moral terms, and to protest the war with heightened militancy.{{sfn|Isserman|Kazin|1999|p=170}} As opposition to the Vietnam War grew stronger, the SDS became a nationally prominent political organization. Ending the war was its overriding concern, overshadowing many of the original issues that inspired the formation of the SDS. By 1967, the Port Huron Statement was superseded by a new call for militant action,{{sfn|Isserman|Kazin|1999|p=172}} which would inevitably lead to the destruction of the SDS.

In 1968 and 1969, as its radicalism reached a fever pitch, the SDS began to split under the strain of internal dissension and an increasing turn towards Maoism.{{Cite book|title=Politics of the Self: Feminism and the Postmodern in West German Literature and Film|last=McCormick|first=Richard|publisher=Princeton University Press|year=2014|isbn=978-1-4008-6164-4|pages=34|quote=In 1969, the American organization ruptured into two factions, one Maoist and one proterrorist.}} Along with adherents known as the New Communist Movement, some extremist illegal factions also emerged, such as the Weather Underground organization.

The SDS suffered the difficulty of wanting to change the world while "freeing life in the here and now". This caused confusion between short-term and long-term goals. The sudden growth due to the successful rallies against the Vietnam War meant there were more people wanting action to end the Vietnam War, whereas the original New Left had wanted to focus on critical reflection.{{sfn|McMillian|Buhle|2003|p=3}} In the end, it was the anti-war sentiment that dominated the SDS.{{sfn|Isserman|Kazin|1999|p=183}}

Stung by the criticism that they were "high on analysis, low on action", and in "the year of the 'discovery of poverty{{'"}} (Michael Harrington's 1962 book The Other America{{cite book |last=Harrington |first=Michael |title=The Other America: Poverty in the United States |publisher=The Macmillan Company |year=1962 |lccn=62008555}} "was the rage"), the SDS launched the Economic Research and Action Project (ERAP).Rothstein, Richard. [https://oac.cdlib.org/view?docId=kt4k4003k7 A Short History of ERAP] Conceived by Tom Hayden as forestalling "white backlash", community-organizing initiatives would unite Black, Brown, and White workers around a common program for economic change. However, the ERAP leadership commitment was sustained barely two years. With no early indications in neighborhoods of an interracial movement that would "collectivize economic decision making and democratize and decentralize every economic, political, and social institution in America", many SDS organizers were induced by the escalating U.S. commitment in Vietnam to abandon their storefront offices, and heed the anti-war call to return to campus.{{cite journal |last=McDowell |first=Manfred |date=2013 |title=A Step into America: The New Left Organizes the Neighborhood |journal=New Politics |volume=XIV |number=2 |pages=133–141}}

In certain ERAP projects, such as JOIN ("Jobs or Income Now") in uptown Chicago, SDSers were replaced by white working-class activists (some bitterly conscious that their poor backgrounds had limited their acceptance within "the Movement"). In community unions such as "Rising Up Angry", "Young Patriots", and JOIN in Chicago; "White Lightening" in the Bronx; and the "4 October Organization" in Philadelphia, white radicals—acknowledging the debt they believed they owed to SNCC and the Black Panthers—continued to organize rent strikes, health and legal clinics, housing occupations, and street protests against police brutality.{{cite book |last1=Sonnie |first1=Amy |last2=Tracy |first2=James |year=2011 |title=Hillbilly Nationalists, Urban Race Rebels, and Black Power: Community Organizing in Radical Times |location=Brooklyn |publisher=Melville House |isbn=978-1935554660}}

While city-hall and police harassment was a factor, internal tensions ensured that these radical community-organizing efforts did not long survive the '60s. Kirkpatrick Sale recalls that the most dispiriting feature of the ERAP experience was that, however much they might talk at night about "transforming the system", "building alternative institutions", and "revolutionary potential", the organizers knew their credibility on the doorstep rested on an ability to secure concessions from, and thus to develop relations with, the local power structures. Far from erecting parallel structures, the ERAP projects were built "around all the shoddy instruments of the state". ERAP members were caught in "a politics of adjustment".{{cite book |last=Sale |first=Kirkpatrick |year=1973 |title=SDS: The Rise and Development of the Students for a Democratic Society |publisher=Random House |isbn=978-0394478890}}

{{Main|Protests of 1968}}

{{Frankfurt School}}

The European New Left appeared first in West Germany and West Berlin, which became a prototype for European student radicals.{{cite book |last1=Rothman |first1=Stanley |last2=Lichter |first2=S. Robert |title=Roots of Radicalism: Jews, Christians, and the Left |year=1982 |page=354 |publisher=Oxford University Press |isbn=978-0195031256}} West Berlin, an Allied-occupied island within socialist East Germany to which young men from both German states had moved to avoid conscription, in particular became a center of critical dissent from the rival social-democratic and communist party traditions. At the beginning of the 1960, an early grouping was Subversive Action ({{lang|de|Subversiven Aktion}}), conceived as the German branch of the Situationist International.{{Cite journal|last1=Klimke|first1=Martin|last2=Scharloth|first2=Joachim|date=2009|title=Utopia in Practice: The Discovery of Performativity in Sixties' Protest, Arts and Sciences|url=https://ejournals.epublishing.ekt.gr/index.php/historein/article/viewFile/2111/1951.pdf|journal=Historein|volume=9|pages=4–6}} Associated with the charismatic East German emigre, and student of the Frankfurt School, Rudi Dutschke, it became a leasing faction within the German Socialist Students' Union ({{lang|de|Sozialistischer Deutscher Studentenbund}}, SDS).{{Cite web|title=Rudi Dutschke and the German student movement in 1968|url=https://socialistworker.co.uk/art/14460/Rudi%20Dutschke%20and%20the%20German%20student%20movement%20in%201968|access-date=13 December 2021|website=Socialist Worker (Britain)|date=29 April 2008}}

Dutschke and his faction had an important ally in Michael Vester, SDS vice-president and international secretary. Vester, who had studied in the US in 1961–62, and worked extensively with the American SDS (Students for a Democratic Society), introduced the theories of the American New Left and supported the call for "direct action" and civil disobedience.{{Cite journal|last=Hilwig|first=Stuart|date=2011|editor-last=Klimke|editor-first=Martin|title=The SDS, a Transatlantic Alliance, Red and Black Panthers|url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/44254548|journal=Diplomatic History|volume=35|issue=5|pages=933–936|doi=10.1111/j.1467-7709.2011.01002.x|issn=0145-2096|jstor=44254548}} The theory as expounded by Dutschke in relation to protests against the Vietnam War, which soon dominated the agenda, was that "systematic, limited and controlled confrontations with the power structure" would "force the representative 'democracy' to show openly its class character, its authoritarianism, ... to expose itself as a 'dictatorship of force{{'"}}. The awareness produced by such provocations would free people to rethink democratic theory and practice.{{Cite journal|last=Merritt|first=Richard L.|date=1969|title=The Student Protest Movement in West Berlin|url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/421493|journal=Comparative Politics|volume=1|issue=4|page=521|doi=10.2307/421493|jstor=421493|issn=0010-4159}}{{Cite web|last=Kraushaar|first=Wolfgang|title=Rudi Dutschke und der bewaffnete Kampf |url=https://www.bpb.de/geschichte/deutsche-geschichte/geschichte-der-raf/49209/rudi-dutschke|access-date=16 December 2021|website=bpb|date=20 August 2007 |language=de}} Dutschke was also influenced by Provo, a Dutch counterculture movement in the mid-1960s that focused on provoking violent responses from authorities using non-violent bait.

In France the Situationist International reached the apex of its creative output and influence in 1967 and 1968, with the former marking the publication of the two most significant texts of the situationist movement, The Society of the Spectacle by Guy Debord and The Revolution of Everyday Life by Raoul Vaneigem. The expressed writing and political theory of these texts, along with other situationist publications, proved greatly influential in shaping the ideas behind the May 1968 student and worker strikes and demonstrations in France; quotes, phrases, and slogans from situationist texts and publications were ubiquitous on posters and graffiti throughout France during the unrest.{{cite book | last=Plant | first=Sadie | title=The Most Radical Gesture | publisher=Routledge | location=New York | year=1992 | isbn=978-0-415-06222-0}}

File:Situationist.jpg"}}]]

Another West Berlin manifestation of a new left was Kommune 1 or K1, the first politically motivated commune in Germany. It was created on 12 January 1967, in West Berlin and finally dissolved in November 1969. During its entire existence, Kommune 1 was infamous for its bizarre staged events that fluctuated between satire and provocation. These events served as inspiration for the "Sponti" movement and other leftist groups. In the late summer of 1968, the commune moved into a deserted factory on Stephanstraße in order to reorient. This second phase of Kommune 1 was characterized by sex, music, and drugs. All of a sudden, the commune was receiving visitors from all over the world, among them Jimi Hendrix, who turned up one morning in the bedroom of Kommune 1.{{cite book |last=Bockris |first=Victor |title=Keith Richards: The Biography |publisher=Poseidon Press |year=1992 |isbn=0671700618}}

The student activism of the New Left came to a head around the world in 1968. The May 1968 protests in France temporarily shut down the city of Paris, while the German student movement did the same in Bonn. Universities were simultaneously occupied in May in Paris, in the Columbia University protests of 1968, and in Japanese student strikes. Shortly thereafter, Swedish students occupied a building at Stockholm University. However, all of these protests were shut down by police authorities without achieving their goals, which caused the influence of the student movement to lapse in the 1970s.

In Australia, the New Left was engaged in debates concerning the legitimacy of heterodox economics and political economy in tertiary education.{{cite book |editor-last1=Butler |editor-first1=Gavan |editor-last2=Jones |editor-first2=Evan |editor-last3=Stilwell |editor-first3=Frank |year=2009 |title=Political Economy Now!: The Struggle for Alternative Economics at the University of Sydney |publisher=Darlington Press |isbn=978-1921364051}} This culminated in the establishment of an independent department of political economy at the University of Sydney.Williams-Brooks, Llewellyn (2016). "Radical Theories of Capitalism in Australia: Towards a Historiography of the Australian New Left". Honours thesis, University of Sydney, Retrieved 20 April 2017, {{hdl|2123/16655}}{{cite web |title=Department of Political Economy |url=http://sydney.edu.au/arts/political_economy/ |publisher=University of Sydney |access-date=3 May 2017 |archive-date=28 May 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170528173424/http://sydney.edu.au/arts/political_economy/}}

The Workers' Party ({{lang|pt|Partido dos Trabalhadores}} – PT) is considered the main organization to emerge from the New Left in Brazil. According to Manuel Larrabure, "rather than taking the path of the old Latin American left, in the form of the guerrilla movement, or the Stalinist party", PT decided to try something new, while being aided by CUT and other social movements. Its challenge was to "combine the institutions of liberal democracy with popular participation by communities and movements". However, PT has been criticized for its "strategic alliances" with the right wing after Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva was elected president of Brazil. The party has distanced itself from social movements and youth organizations and for many it seems the PT's model of a new left is reaching its limits.Larrabure, Manuel. [http://www.socialistproject.ca/bullet/853.php {{"'}}Não nos representam!' A left beyond the Workers Party?"]. The Bullet. 18 July 2013. Retrieved 30 March 2014.

{{Excerpt|Chinese New Left|only=paragraph|paragraphs=1}}

File:Tokyo Univercity of education19680801.jpg) during the student strikes of 1968-69. The sign reads, "Indefinite Strike."]]{{Excerpt|New Left in Japan|only=paragraph|paragraphs=1}}

The New Left in Latin America can be loosely defined as the collection of political parties, radical grassroots social movements (such as indigenous movements, student movements, mobilizations of landless rural workers, afro-descendent organizations and feminist movements), guerilla organizations (such as the Cuban and Nicaraguan revolutions) and other organizations (such as trade unions, {{lang|es|campesino}} leagues and human rights organizations) that constituted the left between 1959 (with the beginning of the Cuban Revolution) and 1990 (with the fall of the Berlin Wall).{{cite book |title=The New Latin American Left: Utopia Reborn |first1=Patrick |last1=Barrett |first2=Daniel |last2=Chavez |first3=César |last3=Rodríguez-Garavito |publisher=Pluto Press |year=2008}}

Influential Latin American thinkers such as Francisco de Oliveira argued that the United States used Latin American countries as "peripheral economies" at the expense of Latin American society and economic development, which many saw as an extension of neo-colonialism and neo-imperialism.{{cite book |last1=Cardoso |first1=F. H. |author-link=Fernando Henrique Cardoso |title=Dependency and development in Latin America |last2=Faletto |first2=E. |author-link2=Enzo Faletto |publisher=University of California Press |year=1969}}

The New Left in Latin America sought to go beyond existing Marxist–Leninist efforts at achieving economic equality and democracy to include social reform and address issues unique to Latin America such as racial and ethnic equality, indigenous rights, the rights of the environment, demands for radical democracy, international solidarity, anti-colonialism, anti-imperialism and other aims.

{{colbegin|colwidth=30em}}

• Action Directe
• Camarades
• Situationist International
• Socialisme ou Barbarie

• Außerparlamentarische Opposition
• Red Army Faction
• Revolutionary Cells (German group)
• Sozialistischer Deutscher Studentenbund (from 1967)

• Autonomia Operaia
• Lotta Continua
• Potere Operaio
• Red Brigades

• East Asia Anti-Japan Armed Front
• Japanese Red Army
• Red Army Faction
• United Red Army

• Left School
• Neo-Communist Party of the Soviet Union
• Party of New Communists

• Big Flame
• Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament
• International Marxist Group
• New Left Review

• American Indian Movement
• Antonio Maceo Brigade
• Black Panther Party
• Black Liberation Army
• Brown Berets
• Diggers
• New American Movement
• Rainbow Coalition
• Red Guard Party
• Students for a Democratic Society
• Revolutionary Youth Movement
• Venceremos Brigade
• Weather Underground
• Symbionese Liberation Army
• Up Against the Wall Motherfucker
• White Panther Party
• Young Lords
• Young Patriots Organization
• Patriot Party
• Youth International Party

{{colend}}

{{div col}}

• American Left
• Anarcho-communism
• British Left
• Congress for Cultural Freedom
• Counterculture of the 1960s
• Drug policy reform
• Environmental movement
• Feminist movement
• Green left
• Left-libertarianism
• LGBT history
• LGBT movements
• Marxist cultural analysis
• Neoliberalism
• Neoconservatism
• New Right
• Old Left
• Reformist Left
• Regressive left
• Revisionism (Marxism)
• Shinjwapa
• Structural Marxism
• Third World socialism
• Timeline of history of environmentalism

{{div col end}}

{{Reflist|group=lower-alpha}}

{{reflist|colwidth=30em}}

{{refbegin}}

• {{cite book |last=Burner |first=David |date=1996 |title=Making Peace with the 60s |location=Princeton |publisher=Princeton University Press}}
• {{cite book |last1=Hoch |first1=Paul |last2=Schoenbach |first2=Vic |publisher=Sheed & Ward |location=London |year=1969 |title=L.S.E.: The Natives Are Restless: A Report on Student Power in Action |isbn=978-0722005965}} A primary source.

{{refend}}

• {{cite book |editor-last=Oglesby |editor-first=Carl |editor-link=Carl Oglesby |title=The New Left Reader |location=New York |publisher=Grove Press |year=1969 |isbn=8345615368 |lccn=78084890}} Influential collection of texts by Mills, Marcuse, Fanon, Cohn-Bendit, Castro, Hall, Althusser, Kolakowski, Malcolm X, Gorz & others.
• {{cite book |editor-last=Teodori |editor-first=Massimo |editor-link=Massimo Teodori |title=The New Left: A Documentary History |location=Indianapolis |publisher=Bobbs-Merrill |year=1969 |lccn=70081291}}

• Detlev Albers u.a. (Hg.), Otto Bauer und der "dritte" Weg. Die Wiederentdeckung des Austromarxismus durch Linkssozialisten und Eurokommunisten, Frankfurt/M 1979
• Andrews, Geoff; Cockett, Richard; Hooper, Alan; Williams, Michael, New Left, New Right and Beyond. Taking the Sixties Seriously. Palgrave Macmillan, 1999. {{ISBN|978-0333741474}}
• [https://web.archive.org/web/20050207225928/http://www.spw.de/9706/otto_bauer.html Michael R. Krätke, Otto Bauer and the early "Third Way" to Socialism]

• Armstrong, Mick, 1,2,3, What Are We Fighting For? The Australian Student Movement From Its Origins To The 1970s, Melbourne; Socialist Alternative, 2001. {{ISBN|0957952708}}
• Cahill, Rowan, Notes on the New Left in Australia, Sydney: Australian Marxist Research Foundation, 1969.
• Gordon, Richard (editor), The Australian New Left: Critical Essays and Strategy, Melbourne: Heinnemann Australia,1970. {{ISBN|0855610093}}
• Hyde, Michael (editor), It is Right to Rebel, Canberra: The Diplomat, 1972.
• Symons, Beverley and Rowan Cahill (editors), A Turbulent Decade: Social Protest Movements and the Labour Movement, 1965–1975, Newtown: Sydney ASSLH, 2005. {{ISBN|0909944091}}
• Williams-Brooks, Llewellyn, Radical Theories of Capitalism in Australia: Towards a Historiography of the Australian New Left, Honours Thesis, University of Sydney: Sydney, 2016, viewed 19 April 2017, {{hdl|2123/16655}}

• Anastakis, Dimitry, ed (2008). The sixties: Passion, politics, style (McGill Queens University Press).
• Cleveland, John. (2004) "New Left, not new liberal: 1960s movements in English Canada and Quebec", Canadian Journal of Sociology and Anthropology 41, no. 4: 67–84.
• Kostash, Myrna. (1980) Long way from home: The story of the sixties generation in Canada. Toronto: Lorimer.
• Levitt, Cyril. (1984). Children of privilege: Student revolt in the sixties. University of Toronto Press.
• Sangster, Joan. "Radical Ruptures: Feminism, Labor, and the Left in the Long Sixties in Canada", American Review of Canadian Studies, Spring 2010, Vol. 40 Issue 1, pp. 1–21

• {{cite book |last=Brown |first=Timothy Scott |title=West Germany and the Global Sixties: The Anti-Authoritarian Revolt, 1962–1978 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |year=2013 |isbn=978-1107022553}}

• Andrews, William Dissenting Japan: A History of Japanese Radicalism and Counterculture, from 1945 to Fukushima.. London: Hurst, 2016. {{ISBN|978-1849045797}}. Includes summaries of the student movement and various New Left groups in postwar Japan.
• {{cite book |last=Miyazaki |first=Manabu |year=2005 |title=Toppamono: Outlaw. Radical. Suspect. My Life in Japan's Underworld |location=Tōkyō |publisher=Kotan Publishing |isbn=978-0-9701716-2-7}} A primary source, includes an account of the author's days as a student activist and street fighter for the Japanese Communist Party, 1964–1969.

• {{cite book |title=Street Fighting Years: An Autobiography of the Sixties |last=Ali |first=Tariq |author-link=Tariq Ali |location=London |publisher=Collins |year=1987 |isbn=000217779X}} A primary source.
• {{cite journal |last=Blackledge |first=Paul |title=The New Left's renewal of Marxism |issue=112 |date=12 October 2006 |url=https://isj.org.uk/the-new-lefts-renewal-of-marxism/ |journal=International Socialism}}

• {{cite web

| title = The New Reasoner

| work = indexed articles online

| date = 1957–1959

| url = https://banmarchive.org.uk/new-reasoner/

| access-date = 16 October 2006 }}

• {{cite web

| title = Marxism Today

| work = indexed articles online

| publisher = Communist Party of Great Britain and Marxism Today

| date = 1980–1991

| url = https://banmarchive.org.uk/marxism-today/

| access-date = 16 October 2006}} (also 1998 special issue)

• {{Cite web

| title = New Left Review

| work = indexed articles online

| date = 1960–2024

| url = https://newleftreview.org/issues

| access-date = 7 February 2025 }}

• {{cite web

| title = Socialist Register

| work = indexed articles online

| date = 1964–1999

| url = http://socialistregister.com/epublish/8

| access-date = 16 October 2006 |archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20060718180346/http://socialistregister.com/epublish/8 |archive-date = 18 July 2006}}

• {{cite web

| title = Universities & Left Review

| work = indexed articles online

| date = 1957–1959

| url =https://banmarchive.org.uk/universities-left-review/

| access-date = 16 October 2006 }}

• {{Cite journal | last = Mills | first = C. Wright | author-link = C. Wright Mills | title = Letter to the New Left | journal = New Left Review | volume = I | issue = 5 | publisher = New Left Review | date = September–October 1960 | url = https://newleftreview.org/issues/i5/articles/c-wright-mills-letter-to-the-new-left}} [https://www.marxists.org/subject/humanism/mills-c-wright/letter-new-left.htm Full text.]
• {{cite web | title = Placating Mr. Jenkins | publisher = Reading the Maps | date = 16 October 2006

| url = https://readingthemaps.blogspot.com/2006/10/placating-mr-jenkins.html | access-date = 16 October 2006}}

• {{cite book |title=Weimar on the Pacific: German Exile Culture in Los Angeles and the Crisis of Modernism|last=Bahr|first=Ehrhard|year=2008|publisher=University of California Press|isbn=978-0-520-25795-5}}
• Breines, Wini. Community Organization in the New Left, 1962–1968: The Great Refusal, reissue edition (Rutgers University Press, 1989). {{ISBN|0-8135-1403-7}}.
• {{cite book |last1=Calvert |first1=Greg |last2=Neiman |first2=Carol |author-link=Greg Calvert |title=A Disrupted History: The New Left and the New Capitalism |publisher=Random House |year=1971 |isbn=978-0394462677}}
• Cohen, Mitchell, and Hale, Dennis, eds. The New Student Left (Boston: Beacon Press, 1966).
• Elbaum, Max. Revolution in the Air: Sixties Radicals turn to Lenin, Che and Mao. (Verso, 2002).
• Evans, Sara. Personal Politics: The Roots of Women's Liberation in the Civil Rights Movement & the New Left (Vintage, 1980). {{ISBN|0-394-74228-1}}.
• Frost, Jennifer. "An Interracial Movement of the Poor": Community Organizing & the New Left in the 1960s (New York University Press, 2001). {{ISBN|0-8147-2697-6}}.
• Gosse, Van. The Movements of the New Left, 1950–1975: A Brief History with Documents (Bedford/St. Martin's, 2004). {{ISBN|0-312-13397-9}}.
• Isserman, Maurice. If I Had a Hammer: The Death of the Old Left and the Birth of the New Left, reprint edition (University of Illinois Press, 1993). {{ISBN|0-252-06338-4}}.
• Klatch, Rebecca E. A Generation Divided: The New Left, the New Right, and the 1960s. (Berkeley : University of California Press, 1999). {{ISBN|0-520-21714-4}}.
• Long, Priscilla, ed. The New Left: A Collection of Essays (Boston: Porter Sargent, 1969).
• Mattson, Kevin, [http://www.psupress.psu.edu/books/titles/0-271-02148-9.html Intellectuals in Action: The Origins of the New Left and Radical Liberalism, 1945–1970] (Penn State Press, 2002). {{ISBN|0-271-02206-X}}
• McMillian, John and Buhle, Paul (eds.). The New Left Revisited (Temple University Press, 2003). {{ISBN|1-56639-976-9}}.
• {{Cite journal

| last = Novack

| first = George

| author-link = George Novack

| author2 = writing as "William F. Warde"

| title = Who Will Change The World? The New left and the Views of C. Wright Mills

| journal = International Socialist Review

| volume = 22

| issue = 3

| pages =67–79

| publisher = USFI

| year = 1961

| url = http://www.marxists.org/archive/novack/works/1961/x01.htm

| access-date = 16 October 2006 }}

• {{cite book |title=The New Left Reader |last=Oglesby |first=Carl |chapter=The Idea of the New Left |publisher=Grove Press |year=1969 |pages=1–20 |isbn=83-456-1536-8}}
• Rand, Ayn. The New Left: The Anti-Industrial Revolution (New York: Penguin Books, 1993, 1975). {{ISBN|0-452-01125-6}}.
• Rossinow, Doug. The Politics of Authenticity: Liberalism, Christianity, and the New Left in America (Columbia University Press, 1998). {{ISBN|0-231-11057-X}}.
• Rubenstein, Richard E. Left Turn: Origins of the Next American Revolution (Boston: Little, Brown, 1973).
• Sale, Kirkpatrick. SDS: The Rise and Development of the Students for a Democratic Society. (Random House, 1973).
• Young, C. A. Culture, Radicalism, and the Making of a US Third World Left (Duke University Press, 2006).

• Albert, Judith Clavir, and Stewart Edward Albert (1984). The Sixties Papers: Documents of a Rebellious Decade. New York: Praeger. {{ISBN|0-275-91781-9}}.
• Committee on Internal Security, Anatomy of a Revolutionary Movement, Students for a Democratic Society. Report by the committee on Internal Security. House of Representatives. Ninety-first Congress. Second Session. 6 October 1970. Washington: U.S. Government P.O.. 1970
• Jaffe, Harold, and John Tytell (eds.) (1970). The American Experience: A Radical Reader. New York: Harper & Row. xiii, 480 pp. {{oclc|909407028}}.

• [https://archives.trentu.ca/index.php/88-020 New Left Movement: 1964–1973]. Archive # 88-020. Title: New Left Movement fonds. 1964–1973. 51 cm of textual records. Trent University Archives. Peterborough, Ontario, Canada.
• [https://web.archive.org/web/20110607224709/http://www.uic.edu/depts/lib/specialcoll/services/rjd/findingaids/RGilbertb.html Russ Gilbert "New Left" Pamphlet Collection]. An inventory of the collection at the University of Illinois at Chicago.

{{American New Left}}

{{British New Left}}

{{hippies}}

{{Political spectrum}}

{{Anarcho-communism}}

{{Libertarian socialism}}

{{Authority control}}

{{DEFAULTSORT:New Left}}

Category:20th-century social movements

Category:Counterculture of the 1960s

Category:Left-wing politics

Category:Political movements in the United Kingdom

Category:Political movements in the United States