Hybrid regime#Research history
{{Short description|Regime combining autocratic and democratic features}}
{{Politics| expanded= Systems}}
{{basic forms of government| expanded= Related}}
A hybrid regime{{efn| name=terms |Scholars use a variety of terms to encompass the "grey zones" between full autocracies and full democracies.{{citation | last=Gagné | first=Jean-François | title=Hybrid Regimes | publisher=Oxford University Press (OUP) | date=Mar 10, 2015 | doi=10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0167 | page=}} Such terms include: competitive authoritarianism, semi-authoritarianism, hybrid authoritarianism, electoral authoritarianism, liberal autocracy, delegative democracy, illiberal democracy, guided democracy, semi-democracy, deficient democracy, defective democracy, and hybrid democracy.{{cite web | last=Plattner | first=Marc F. | title=Is Democracy in Decline? | website=kipdf.com | date=1969-12-31 | url=https://kipdf.com/is-democracy-in-decline_5ac6f5411723ddcc8fb724a7.html | access-date=2022-12-27 | archive-date=2023-04-06 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230406072325/https://kipdf.com/is-democracy-in-decline_5ac6f5411723ddcc8fb724a7.html | url-status=live }}{{cite web | title=Hybrid Concepts and the Concept of Hybridity | website=European Consortium for Political Research | date=2019-09-07 | url=https://ecpr.eu/Events/Event/SectionDetails/833 | access-date=2022-11-18 | archive-date=2023-04-06 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230406033502/https://ecpr.eu/Events/Event/SectionDetails/833 | url-status=live }}{{cite journal | last=Urribarri | first=Raul A. Sanchez | title=Courts between Democracy and Hybrid Authoritarianism: Evidence from the Venezuelan Supreme Court | journal=Law & Social Inquiry | publisher=Wiley | volume=36 | issue=4 | year=2011 | issn=0897-6546 | jstor=41349660 | pages=854–884 | doi=10.1111/j.1747-4469.2011.01253.x | s2cid=232400805 | url=http://www.jstor.org/stable/41349660 | access-date=2022-11-16 | archive-date=2022-11-16 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221116180345/https://www.jstor.org/stable/41349660 | url-status=live }}{{cite book | last=Göbel | first=Christian | title=21st Century Political Science: A Reference Handbook | chapter=Semiauthoritarianism | publisher=SAGE Publications, Inc. | publication-place=2455 Teller Road, Thousand Oaks California 91320 United States | year=2011 | doi=10.4135/9781412979351.n31 | pages=258–266| isbn=9781412969017 }}{{cite web | last=Tlemcani | first=Rachid | title=Electoral Authoritarianism | website=Carnegie Endowment for International Peace | date=2007-05-29 | url=https://carnegieendowment.org/posts/2007/05/electoral-authoritarianism?lang=en | access-date=2022-11-16 | archive-date=2023-04-06 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230406060958/https://carnegieendowment.org/2007/05/29/electoral-authoritarianism-pub-19176 | url-status=live }}{{cite web | title=What is Hybrid Democracy? | website=Digital Society School | date=2022-05-19 | url=https://digitalsocietyschool.org/insight/what-is-hybrid-democracy/ | access-date=2022-11-16 | archive-date=2023-04-05 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230405140705/https://digitalsocietyschool.org/insight/what-is-hybrid-democracy/ | url-status=live }}{{cite journal | last=Zinecker | first=Heidrun | title=Regime-Hybridity in Developing Countries: Achievements and Limitations of New Research on Transitions | journal=International Studies Review | publisher=[Oxford University Press, Wiley, The International Studies Association] | volume=11 | issue=2 | year=2009 | issn=1521-9488 | jstor=40389063 | pages=302–331 | doi=10.1111/j.1468-2486.2009.00850.x | url=http://www.jstor.org/stable/40389063 | access-date=2022-11-18 | archive-date=2022-11-16 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221116230253/https://www.jstor.org/stable/40389063 | url-status=live }}{{cite web | title=Index | website=Dem-Dec | date=2017-09-23 | url=https://www.democratic-decay.org/index | access-date=2022-11-21 | archive-date=2022-11-21 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221121150914/https://www.democratic-decay.org/index | url-status=live }}}} is a type of political system often created as a result of an incomplete democratic transition from an authoritarian regime to a democratic one (or vice versa).{{efn| name=transition |Debates over what can be called "hybrid" still exist, see #Definition section for details.}} Hybrid regimes are categorized as having a combination of autocratic features with democratic ones and can simultaneously hold political repressions and regular elections.{{efn| name=transition}} According to some definitions and measures, hybrid regimes are commonly found in developing countries with abundant natural resources such as petro-states.{{cite book | last1=Croissant | first1=A. | last2=Kailitz | first2=S. | last3=Koellner | first3=P. | last4=Wurster | first4=S. | title=Comparing autocracies in the early Twenty-first Century: Volume 1: Unpacking Autocracies - Explaining Similarity and Difference | publisher=Taylor & Francis | year=2015 | isbn=978-1-317-70018-0 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=3rNACwAAQBAJ&pg=PA212 | access-date=Nov 27, 2022 | page=212 | archive-date=December 9, 2022 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221209013939/https://books.google.com/books?id=3rNACwAAQBAJ&pg=PA212 | url-status=live }}{{cite journal |last1=Carothers |first1=Christopher |title=The Surprising Instability of Competitive Authoritarianism |journal=Journal of Democracy |date=2018 |volume=29 |issue=4 |pages=129–135 |doi=10.1353/jod.2018.0068 |s2cid=158234306 |url=https://muse.jhu.edu/article/705723/summary |issn=1086-3214}} Although these regimes experience civil unrest, they may be relatively stable and tenacious for decades at a time.{{efn| name=transition}} There has been a rise in hybrid regimes since the end of the Cold War.{{cite journal | last1=Levitsky | first1=Steven | last2=Way | first2=Lucan | title=The Rise of Competitive Authoritarianism | journal=Journal of Democracy | publisher=Project Muse | volume=13 | issue=2 | year=2002 | issn=1086-3214 | doi=10.1353/jod.2002.0026 | pages=51–65| s2cid=6711009 }}{{cite web | title=Competitive Authoritarianism: Hybrid Regimes After the Cold War | website=Department of Political Science | url=https://politics.utoronto.ca/publication/competitive-authoritarianism-hybrid-regimes-after-the-cold-war/ | access-date=2022-11-16 | archive-date=2023-04-06 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230406112609/https://politics.utoronto.ca/publication/competitive-authoritarianism-hybrid-regimes-after-the-cold-war/ | url-status=live }}
The term hybrid regime arises from a polymorphic view of political regimes that oppose the dichotomy of autocracy or democracy.{{Cite web|url=https://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/view/document/obo-9780199756223/obo-9780199756223-0167.xml|title=Hybrid Regimes|website=obo|access-date=2019-08-13|archive-date=2019-07-29|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190729153059/https://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/view/document/obo-9780199756223/obo-9780199756223-0167.xml|url-status=live}} Modern scholarly analysis of hybrid regimes focuses attention on the decorative nature of democratic institutions (elections do not lead to a change of power, different media broadcast the government point of view and the opposition in parliament votes the same way as the ruling party, among others),{{cite journal | last=Mufti | first=Mariam | title=What Do We Know about Hybrid Regimes after Two Decades of Scholarship? | journal=Politics and Governance | publisher=Cogitatio | volume=6 | issue=2 | date=Jun 22, 2018 | issn=2183-2463 | doi=10.17645/pag.v6i2.1400 | pages=112–119| s2cid=158943827 | doi-access=free }} from which it is concluded that democratic backsliding, a transition to authoritarianism is the most prevalent basis of hybrid regimes.{{efn| name=transition}}{{cite web | title=Home - IDEA Global State of Democracy Report | website=International IDEA | url=https://www.idea.int/gsod/ | access-date=Nov 26, 2022 | archive-date=April 4, 2023 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230404092736/https://www.idea.int/gsod/ | url-status=live }} Some scholars also contend that hybrid regimes may imitate a full dictatorship.{{cite book | last=Schedler | first=Andreas | title=The Politics of Uncertainty | chapter=Shaping the Authoritarian Arena | publisher=Oxford University Press | date=Aug 1, 2013 | doi=10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199680320.003.0003 | pages=54–75| isbn=978-0-19-968032-0 }}{{cite book | last=Brooker | first=P. | title=Non-Democratic Regimes | publisher=Bloomsbury Publishing | series=Comparative Government and Politics | year=2013 | isbn=978-1-137-38253-5 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Xo9KEAAAQBAJ&pg=PA222 | access-date=Nov 27, 2022 | page=222 | archive-date=December 9, 2022 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221209013941/https://books.google.com/books?id=Xo9KEAAAQBAJ&pg=PA222 | url-status=live }}
Overall, there is no consensus among researchers about how hybrid regimes should be defined or measured. Accordingly, there is much disagreement about which countries are considered to be hybrid regimes, and any description of what typical hybrid regimes look like need to be seen in the context of specific definitions and measures.{{Cite journal |last=Schmid |first=Jonas Willibald |title=Electoral autocracies, hybrid regimes, and multiparty autocracies: same, same but different? |url=https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/13510347.2025.2476183 |journal=Democratization |volume=0 |issue=0 |pages=1–24 |doi=10.1080/13510347.2025.2476183 |issn=1351-0347|doi-access=free }}
Definition
Scholars vary on the definition of hybrid regimes based on their primary academic discipline.{{cite journal | last=Cassani | first=Andrea | title=Hybrid what? Partial consensus and persistent divergences in the analysis of hybrid regimes | journal=International Political Science Review | publisher=SAGE | volume=35 | issue=5 | date=September 3, 2013 | issn=0192-5121 | doi=10.1177/0192512113495756 | pages=542–558| s2cid=144881011 }} According to Christoph Mohamad-Klotzbach, "Some scholars argue that deficient democracies and deficient autocracies can be seen as examples of hybrid regimes, whereas others argue that hybrid regimes combine characteristics of both democratic and autocratic regimes." Scholars also debate if these regimes are in transition or are inherently a stable political system.{{cite journal | last=Ekman | first=Joakim | title=Political Participation and Regime Stability: A Framework for Analyzing Hybrid Regimes | journal=International Political Science Review | volume=30 | issue=1 | year=2009 | issn=0192-5121 | doi=10.1177/0192512108097054 | pages=7–31| s2cid=145077481 | doi-access=free }}{{cite book | last=Baker | first=A. | title=Shaping the Developing World: The West, the South, and the Natural World | publisher=SAGE | year=2021 | isbn=978-1-0718-0709-5 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=EPwWEAAAQBAJ&pg=PT202 | access-date=2023-04-23 | page=202 | archive-date=2023-04-23 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230423045105/https://books.google.com/books?id=EPwWEAAAQBAJ&pg=PT202 | url-status=live }}{{cite book | title = How Dictatorships Work | chapter = Why Parties and Elections in Dictatorships? | year = 2018 | pages = 129–153 | publisher = Cambridge University Press | doi =10.1017/9781316336182.006 | isbn = 9781316336182 | url = }}{{cite book | last=Riaz | first=Ali | chapter=What is a Hybrid Regime? | title=Voting in a Hybrid Regime | series=Politics of South Asia | publisher=Springer | publication-place=Singapore | year=2019 | isbn=978-981-13-7955-0 | issn=2523-8345 | doi=10.1007/978-981-13-7956-7_2 | pages=9–19| s2cid=198088445 }}{{cite book | last=Schmotz | first=Alexander | title=The Handbook of Political, Social, and Economic Transformation | chapter=Hybrid Regimes | publisher=Oxford University Press | date=2019-02-13 | doi=10.1093/oso/9780198829911.003.0053 | pages=521–525| isbn=978-0-19-882991-1 }}{{cite book | last=Morlino | first=Leonardo | title=Changes for DemocracyActors, Structures, Processes | chapter=Are There Hybrid Regimes? | publisher=Oxford University Press | date=2011-11-01 | doi=10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199572533.003.0004 | pages=48–69| isbn=978-0-19-957253-3 }}{{cite book |last1=Подлесный |first1=Д. В. |date=2016 |title=Политология: Учебное пособие |trans-title=Political Science: Textbook |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=2Sc8DwAAQBAJ&pg=PA62 |access-date=2019-08-13 |language=ru |location=Kharkiv |publisher=ХГУ НУА |pages=62–65/164 |archive-date=2023-04-22 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230422130227/https://books.google.com/books?id=2Sc8DwAAQBAJ&pg=PA62 |url-status=live }}{{cite news |url=https://www.vedomosti.ru/opinion/articles/2014/08/15/carstvo-imitacii |title=Царство политической имитации |trans-title=The kingdom of political imitation |last=Schulmann |first=Ekaterina |newspaper=Ведомости |date=15 August 2014 |access-date=2019-08-13 |archive-date=2019-07-30 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190730095022/https://www.vedomosti.ru/opinion/articles/2014/08/15/carstvo-imitacii |url-status=live }}
In 1995 Terry Karl introduced the notion of "hybrid" regime, which was simply defined as "combining democratic and authoritarian elements".{{cite book | last1=Colomer | first1=J. M. | last2=Beale | first2=A. L. | title=Democracy and Globalization: Anger, Fear, and Hope | publisher=Taylor & Francis | year=2020 | isbn=978-1-000-05363-0 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=9AfpDwAAQBAJ&pg=PT180 | access-date=2022-12-27 | page=180 | archive-date=2023-04-04 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230404064503/https://books.google.com/books?id=9AfpDwAAQBAJ&pg=PT180 | url-status=live }}
According to professor Matthijs Bogaards hybrid types are:{{cite journal |last=Bogaards |first=Matthijs |year=2009 |title=How to classify hybrid regimes? Defective democracy and electoral authoritarianism |journal=Democratization |volume=16 |issue=2 |pages=399–423 |doi=10.1080/13510340902777800 |issn=1351-0347 |s2cid=145315763}} {{blockquote | not diminished subtypes, since they do not lack the full development of a characteristic, but rather they exhibit a mixture of characteristics of both basic types, so that they simultaneously combine autocratic and democratic dimensions or institutions}}
Pippa Norris defined hybrid regimes as:{{cite journal | last=Norris | first=Pippa | title=Is Western Democracy Backsliding? Diagnosing the Risks | journal=SSRN Electronic Journal | publisher=Elsevier | year=2017 | issn=1556-5068 | doi=10.2139/ssrn.2933655 | page= | s2cid=157117940 | url=https://research.hks.harvard.edu/publications/getFile.aspx?Id=1514 | access-date=2022-12-09 | archive-date=2023-04-04 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230404021613/https://research.hks.harvard.edu/publications/getFile.aspx?Id=1514 | url-status=live }}
{{blockquote |a system characterized by weak checks and balances on executive powers, flawed or even suspended elections, fragmented opposition forces, state restrictions on media freedoms, intellectuals, and civil society organizations, curbs on the independence of the judiciary and disregard for rule of law, the abuse of human rights by the security forces, and tolerance of authoritarian values. }}
Henry E. Hale defined hybrid regimes as;{{cite journal | last=Hale | first=Henry E. | title=Eurasian Polities as Hybrid Regimes: The Case of Putin's Russia | journal=Journal of Eurasian Studies | publisher=SAGE Publications | volume=1 | issue=1 | year=2010 | issn=1879-3665 | doi=10.1016/j.euras.2009.11.001 | pages=33–41}}
{{blockquote | a political regime that combines some democratic and some autocratic elements in a significant manner. It is not, however, a mere half-way category: hybrid regimes have their own distinct dynamics that do not simply amount to half of what we would see in a democracy plus half of what we would see in an autocracy.}}
Leonardo Morlino defined hybrid regimes as;{{cite journal | last=Hameed | first=Dr. Muntasser Majeed | title=Hybrid regimes: An Overview | journal=IPRI Journal | volume=22 | issue=1 | date=2022-06-30 | doi=10.31945/iprij.220101 | pages=1–24| doi-access=free }}
{{blockquote |a set of institutions that have been persistent, be they stable or unstable, for about a decade, have been preceded by authoritarianism, a traditional regime (possibly with colonial characteristics), or even a minimal democracy and are characterized by the break-up of limited pluralism and forms of independent, autonomous participation, but the absence of at least one of the four aspects of a minimal democracy}}
Professor Jeffrey C. Isaac defined hybrid regimes as:{{cite book | last=Isaac | first=J. C. | title=Democracy in Dark Times | publisher=Cornell University Press | year=1998 | isbn=978-0-8014-8454-4 | page=199}}
{{blockquote |Hybrid regimes have the common feature that they all have competition, although the political elite in power deliberately rearranges state regulations and the political arena as to grant itself undue advantages}}
= History =
File:Countries democratizing or autocratizing substantially and significantly 2010–2020.svg (red) or democratizing (blue) substantially and significantly (2010–2020). Countries in grey are substantially unchanged.{{cite book | last1=Newton | first1=Kenneth | last2=van Deth | first2=Jan W. | title=Foundations of comparative politics: democracies of the modern world | publication-place=Cambridge, United Kingdom | date=2021 | isbn=978-1-108-92494-8 | oclc=1156414956 | page=}}]]
The third wave of democratization from the 1970s onward has led to the emergence of hybrid regimes that are neither fully democratic nor fully authoritarian.{{cite book | last=Huntington | first=S. P. | title=The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late 20th Century | publisher=University of Oklahoma Press | series=The Julian J. Rothbaum Distinguished Lecture Series | year=2012 | isbn=978-0-8061-8604-7 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=IMjyTFG04JYC | access-date=November 16, 2022 | page=}} Neither the concept of illiberal democracy, nor the concept of electoral authoritarianism fully describes these hybrid regimes.Matthijs Bogaards. 2009. *How to Classify Hybrid Regimes? Defective Democracy and Electoral Authoritarianism". Democratization 16 (2): 399–423.{{cite web | last=Gagné | first=Jean-François | title=Hybrid Regimes | website=obo | date=2019-05-02 | url=https://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/view/document/obo-9780199756223/obo-9780199756223-0167.xml | access-date=2022-11-19 | archive-date=2019-07-29 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190729153059/https://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/view/document/obo-9780199756223/obo-9780199756223-0167.xml | url-status=live }}
Since the end of the Cold War, such regimes have become the most common among undemocratic countries.{{cite book | first1 = Leonardo | last1 = Morlino | first2 = Dirk | last2 = Berg-Schlosser | first3 = Bertrand | last3 = Badie | date = 6 March 2017 | title = Political Science: A Global Perspective | publisher = SAGE | pages = 112ff | isbn = 978-1-5264-1303-1 | oclc = 1124515503 | url = https://books.google.com/books?id=qhcjDgAAQBAJ&pg=PA112 | access-date = 16 November 2022 | archive-date = 16 November 2022 | archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20221116232001/https://books.google.com/books?id=qhcjDgAAQBAJ&pg=PA112 | url-status = live }}Andreas Schedler, ed. (2006). Electoral Authoritarianism: The Dynamics of Unfree Competition. Boulder, Colorado: Lynne Rienner. At the end of the process of transformation of authoritarian regimes, limited elections appear in one way or another when liberalization occurs. Liberal democracy has always been assumed while in practice this process basically froze "halfway".Yonatan L. Morse (January 2012). [https://www.jstor.org/stable/41428375?read-now=1&seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents "Review: The Era of Electoral Authoritarianism"]. World Politics 64(1). pp. 161—198. {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210729165819/https://www.jstor.org/stable/41428375?read-now=1&seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents |date=2021-07-29 }}.
In relation to regimes that were previously called "transitional" in the 1980s, the term hybrid regime began to be used and was strengthened according to Thomas Carothers:
{{blockquote |the majority of “transitional countries” are neither completely dictatorial nor aspiring to democracy, and by and large they cannot be called transitional. They are located in the politically stable gray zone, changes in which may not take place for decades. Thus, he stated that hybrid regimes must be considered without the assumption that they will ultimately become democracies. These hybrid regimes were called semi-authoritarianism or electoral authoritarianism.{{cite web | last=Dam | first=Caspar ten | title=(PDF) Democratic Transition, Transformation and Development in times of War and Peace: Conceptualisations and Observations | website=ResearchGate | volume=Vol.4 | issue=No.2 | date=Feb 17, 2017 | url=https://www.researchgate.net/publication/314114407_Democratic_Transition_Transformation_and_Development_in_times_of_War_and_Peace_Conceptualisations_and_Observations | access-date=Aug 22, 2024 | pages=5–18}}}}
Hybrid regimes have evolved to lean more authoritarian while keeping some democratic traits.{{Cite book |url=https://global.oup.com/academic/product/authoritarianism-9780190880200?cc=us&lang=en& |title=Authoritarianism: What Everyone Needs to Know |date=2018-09-04 |publisher=Oxford University Press |isbn=978-0-19-088020-0 |location=Oxford and New York |access-date=2023-03-03 |archive-date=2023-03-03 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230303211117/https://global.oup.com/academic/product/authoritarianism-9780190880200?cc=us&lang=en& |url-status=live }} One of the main issues with authoritarian rule is the ability to control the threats from the masses, and democratic elements in hybrid regimes can reduce social tension between the masses and the elite.{{Cite web |title=Foundations of Comparative Politics |edition=4th |isbn=9781108831826 |url=https://www.vitalsource.com/products/foundations-of-comparative-politics-kenneth-newton-jan-w-van-v9781108934909 |access-date=2023-03-03 |website=VitalSource |language=en |archive-date=2023-03-02 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230302170731/https://www.vitalsource.com/products/foundations-of-comparative-politics-kenneth-newton-jan-w-van-v9781108934909 |url-status=live }} After the third wave of democratization, some regimes became stuck in the transition to democracy, causing the creation of weak democratic institutions.{{Cite journal |last1=Rocha Menocal |first1=Alina |last2=Fritz |first2=Verena |last3=Rakner |first3=Lise |date=2008-06-01 |title=Hybrid regimes and the challenges of deepening and sustaining democracy in developing countries |url=https://doi.org/10.1080/10220460802217934 |journal=South African Journal of International Affairs |volume=15 |issue=1 |pages=29–40 |doi=10.1080/10220460802217934 |s2cid=55589140 |issn=1022-0461}} This results from a lack of institutional ownership during critical points in the transition period leading the regime into a gray zone between democracy and autocracy.{{Cite report |last1=Stroh |first1=Alexander |last2=Elischer |first2=Sebastian |last3=Erdmann |first3=Gero |date=2012 |title=Origins and Outcomes of Electoral Institutions in African Hybrid Regimes: A Comparative Perspective |publisher=German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA) |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/resrep07499 |access-date=2023-03-03 |archive-date=2023-03-03 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230303205803/https://www.jstor.org/stable/resrep07499 |url-status=live }}
These developments have caused some scholars to believe that hybrid regimes are not poorly functioning democracies, but rather new forms of authoritarian regimes.{{Cite journal |last=Ekman |first=Joakim |date=2009 |title=Political Participation and Regime Stability: A Framework for Analyzing Hybrid Regimes |journal=International Political Science Review |volume=30 |issue=1 |pages=7–31 |doi=10.1177/0192512108097054 |jstor=20445173 |s2cid=145077481 |issn=0192-5121 |doi-access=free }} Defective democratic stability is an indicator to explain and measure these new forms of autocracies.{{Cite book |chapter-url=https://academic.oup.com/book/7722/chapter/152849448 |access-date=2023-03-03 |website=Oxford University Press |doi=10.1093/oso/9780198829911.003.0053 |chapter=Hybrid Regimes |year=2019 |last1=Schmotz |first1=Alexander |title=The Handbook of Political, Social, and Economic Transformation |pages=521–525 |isbn=978-0-19-882991-1 |archive-date=2023-04-22 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230422130239/https://academic.oup.com/book/7722/chapter-abstract/152849448?redirectedFrom=fulltext |url-status=live }} Additionally, approval ratings of political leaders play an important role in these types of regimes, and democratic elements can drive up the ratings of a strongman leader creating a tool not utilized previously.{{Cite journal |last=Treisman |first=Daniel |date=2011 |title=Presidential Popularity in a Hybrid Regime: Russia under Yeltsin and Putin |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/23024939 |journal=American Journal of Political Science |volume=55 |issue=3 |pages=590–609 |doi=10.1111/j.1540-5907.2010.00500.x |jstor=23024939 |issn=0092-5853 |access-date=2023-03-03 |archive-date=2023-03-24 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230324171256/https://www.jstor.org/stable/23024939 |url-status=live }} Today, 'hybrid regime' is a term used to explain a growing field of political development where authoritarian leaders incorporate elements of democracy that stabilize their regimes.{{Cite journal |last=Morlino |first=Leonardo |date=July 2009 |title=Are there hybrid regimes? Or are they just an optical illusion? |url=https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/european-political-science-review/article/abs/are-there-hybrid-regimes-or-are-they-just-an-optical-illusion/9579E8628A2F0AD84889973B3577735D |journal=European Political Science Review |language=en |volume=1 |issue=2 |pages=273–296 |doi=10.1017/S1755773909000198 |s2cid=154947839 |issn=1755-7747 |access-date=2023-03-03 |archive-date=2023-03-03 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230303205629/https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/european-political-science-review/article/abs/are-there-hybrid-regimes-or-are-they-just-an-optical-illusion/9579E8628A2F0AD84889973B3577735D |url-status=live }}
{{Clear}}
Indicators
File:BTI 2022 DEM.jpg 2022{{cite web | title=Global Dashboard | website=BTI 2022 | url=https://bti-project.org/en/reports/global-dashboard?&cb=00000 | access-date=April 17, 2023 | archive-date=April 17, 2023 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230417052038/https://bti-project.org/en/reports/global-dashboard?&cb=00000 | url-status=live }}]]
According to Guillermo O'Donnell, Philippe C. Schmitter, Larry Diamond and Thomas Carothers, signs of a hybrid regime include:{{cite web | title=Nations in Transit Methodology | website=Freedom House | date=2021-12-31 | url=https://freedomhouse.org/reports/nations-transit/nations-transit-methodology | access-date=2022-11-19 | archive-date=2023-03-18 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230318075913/https://freedomhouse.org/reports/nations-transit/nations-transit-methodology | url-status=live }}
- The presence of external attributes of democracy (elections, multi-party system, legal opposition).
- A low degree of representation of the interests of citizens in the process of political decision-making (incapacity of associations of citizens, for example trade unions, or that they are in state control).
- A low level of political participation.
- The declarative nature of political rights and freedoms (formally there is in fact difficult implementation).
- A low level of trust in political institutions by the citizenry.
=Transition types=
{{further|Democratic transition}}
==Autocratization==
File:Number of countries experiencing autocratization and democratization, 1900–2000.jpg (blue) is higher than those democratizing (yellow).]]
{{Excerpt|Democratic backsliding|only=paragraph|hat=no}}
==Democratization==
{{Excerpt|Democratization|only=paragraph|hat=no|paragraphs=1,2}}
{{Clear}}
Measurement
{{Main|Democracy indices}}
{{further|Democratic backsliding by country}}
There are various democratic freedom indices produced by academic researchers, and intergovernmental non-governmental organizations that publish assessments of the worlds political systems, according to their own definitions, and many of them include measures of hybrid regimes.{{cite web | last=Greenwood | first=Shannon | title=Appendix A: Classifying democracies | website=Pew Research Center's Global Attitudes Project | date=2022-12-06 | url=https://www.pewresearch.org/global/2022/12/06/online-civic-engagement-spring-2022-appendix-a-classifying-democracies/ | access-date=2022-12-27 | archive-date=2023-03-05 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230305225610/https://www.pewresearch.org/global/2022/12/06/online-civic-engagement-spring-2022-appendix-a-classifying-democracies/ | url-status=live }}{{Cite journal |last=Schmid |first=Jonas Willibald |title=Electoral autocracies, hybrid regimes, and multiparty autocracies: same, same but different? |url=https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/13510347.2025.2476183 |journal=Democratization |volume=0 |issue=0 |pages=1–24 |doi=10.1080/13510347.2025.2476183 |issn=1351-0347|doi-access=free }} However, because these various indices use different definitions and methodologies, they often disagree on which countries should be classified as hybrid regimes.{{Cite journal |last=Schmid |first=Jonas Willibald |title=Electoral autocracies, hybrid regimes, and multiparty autocracies: same, same but different? |url=https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/13510347.2025.2476183 |journal=Democratization |volume=0 |issue=0 |pages=1–24 |doi=10.1080/13510347.2025.2476183 |issn=1351-0347|doi-access=free }}
=Democracy Index=
According to the Democracy Index compiled by the Economist Intelligence Unit there are 34 hybrid regimes, representing approximately 20% of countries, encompassing 17.2% to 20.5% of the world's population.
"The EIU Democracy Index is based on ratings across 60 indicators, grouped into five categories: electoral process and pluralism, civil liberties, the functioning of government, political participation and political culture." The Democracy Index defines hybrid regimes with the following characteristics:
- Electoral fraud or irregularities occur regularly
- Pressure is applied to political opposition
- Corruption is widespread and rule of law tends to be weak
- Media is pressured and harassed
- There are issues in the functioning of governance
File:Economist Intelligence Unit Democracy Index 2024.svg Democracy Index{{Cite web |url=https://www.eiu.com/n/campaigns/democracy-index-2024/ |title=Democracy Index 2024 |website=EIU.com |url-access=registration |access-date=27 February 2025}}
{{Col-begin}}
{{Col-break}}
Full democracies
{{Legend|#0c3091|9.00–10.00}}
{{legend|#2f5cd5|8.00–8.99}}
Flawed democracies
{{legend|#6bd2df|7.00–7.99}}
{{legend|#c3eded|6.00–6.99}}
{{Col-break}}
Hybrid regimes
{{legend|#f9f8bb|5.00–5.99}}
{{legend|#fad45d|4.00–4.99}}
{{Col-break}}
Authoritarian regimes
{{legend|#da820f|3.00–3.99}}
{{legend|#a8261f|2.00–2.99}}
{{legend|#66000f|1.00–1.99}}
{{legend|#240011|0.00–0.99}}
{{Col-end}}]]
As of 2021 the countries considered hybrid regimes by the "Democracy Index" are:
{{div col|colwidth=10em|rules=yes|gap=2em}}
- Bangladesh
- El Salvador
- North Macedonia
- Ukraine
- Moldova
- Montenegro
- Malawi
- Fiji
- Bhutan
- Madagascar
- Senegal
- Hong Kong
- Honduras
- Armenia
- Liberia
- Georgia
- Nepal
- Tanzania
- Bolivia
- Kenya
- Morocco
- Guatemala
- Uganda
- Zambia
- Sierra Leone
- Benin
- Gambia
- Turkey
- Pakistan
- Haiti
- Kyrgyzstan
- Lebanon
- Ivory Coast
- Nigeria
{{div col end}}{{Clear}}
=Global State of Democracy Report=
According to the "Global State of Democracy Report" by International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA), there are twenty hybrid regimes.{{cite web | title=The Global State of Democracy | website=Publications | date=2021-11-22 | url=https://www.idea.int/democracytracker/publications | access-date=2022-12-27 | archive-date=2023-03-08 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230308175332/https://idea.int/democracytracker/publications | url-status=live }} "International IDEA compiles data from 12 different data sources, including expert surveys and observational data includes the extent to which voting rights are inclusive, political parties are free to form and campaign for office, elections are free, and political offices are filled through elections." IDEA defined hybrid regimes as:{{cite web | title=FAQs – The Global State of Democracy Indices | website=International IDEA | date=2021-12-31 | url=https://www.idea.int/gsod-indices/faqs#How%20current%20are%20the%20data? | access-date=2022-12-27 | archive-date=2023-04-04 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230404021608/https://www.idea.int/gsod-indices/faqs#How%20current%20are%20the%20data? | url-status=live }}
{{blockquote|Combination of the elements of authoritarianism with democracy ... These often adopt the formal characteristics of democracy (while allowing little real competition for power) with weak respect for basic political and civil rights}}
As of 2021 the countries considered hybrid regimes by the "Global State of Democracy Report" are:{{cite book | author=International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance | title=The Global State of Democracy 2021: Building resilience in a Pandemic Era | date=2021 | isbn=978-91-7671-478-2 | oclc=1288461480 }}
{{div col|colwidth=10em|rules=yes|gap=2em}}
- Angola
- Benin
- Côte d'Ivoire
- Democratic Republic of the Congo
- Ethiopia
- Gabon
- Jordan
- Kuwait
- Kyrgyzstan
- Libya
- Mauritania
- Morocco
- Mozambique
- Nigeria
- Serbia
- Singapore
- Tanzania
- Togo
- Tunisia
- Turkey
- United States
{{div col end}}{{Clear}}
=V-Dem Democracy Indices=
File:V-Dem Electoral Democracy Index 2025 Robinson World.svg in 2024{{cite web | title=Democracy Report 2025, 25 Years of Autocratization – Democracy Trumped? | url=https://v-dem.net/documents/54/v-dem_dr_2025_lowres_v1.pdf | access-date=14 March 2025}}
{{Col-begin}}
{{Col-break}}
{{Legend|#0c3091|0.900–1.000}}
{{legend|#2f5cd5|0.800–0.899}}
{{legend|#6bd2df|0.700–0.799}}
{{legend|#c3eded|0.600–0.699}}
{{Col-break}}
{{legend|#f9f8bb|0.500–0.599}}
{{legend|#fad45d|0.400–0.499}}
{{legend|#da820f|0.300–0.399}}
{{legend|#a8261f|0.200–0.299}}
{{Col-break}}
{{legend|#66000f|0.100–0.199}}
{{legend|#240011|0.000–0.099}}
{{legend|#c0c0c0|No data}}
{{Col-end}}|upright=1.6]]
According to the V-Dem Democracy Indices compiled by the V-Dem Institute at the University of Gothenburg there are 65 hybrid regimes.{{Cite web |date=March 2021 |title=V-Dem Codebook v11 |url=https://www.v-dem.net/static/website/img/refs/codebookv111.pdf |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221030134840/https://www.v-dem.net/static/website/img/refs/codebookv111.pdf |archive-date=30 October 2022 |access-date=21 April 2023}} V-Dem's "Regimes of the World" indicators identify four political regimes: closed autocracies, electoral autocracies, electoral democracies, and liberal democracies.{{cite journal | last1=Lührmann | first1=Anna | last2=Tannenberg | first2=Marcus | last3=Lindberg | first3=Staffan I. | title=Regimes of the World (RoW): Opening New Avenues for the Comparative Study of Political Regimes | journal=Politics and Governance | publisher=Cogitatio | volume=6 | issue=1 | date=March 19, 2018 | issn=2183-2463 | doi=10.17645/pag.v6i1.1214 | pages=60–77 | doi-access=free }}
{{blockquote| In 2021, 70% of the world population – 5.4 billion people – live in closed or electoral autocracies.
A mere 13% of the world's population reside in liberal democracies, and 16% in electoral democracies. }}
=Freedom House=
[[File:European Union neighbour states by freedom.svg|upright=1.3|thumb|
Freedom House ratings for European Union and surrounding states, in 2019:{{Cite web|url=https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/freedom-world-2019|title=Democracy in Retreat|author=Freedom House|date=2019-02-06|work=Freedom in the World|access-date=2019-02-06|archive-date=2019-02-05|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190205150927/https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/freedom-world-2019|url-status=live}}
{{legend|#33CC33|Free}}
{{legend|#FFCC00|Partly free}}
{{legend|#FF3333|Not free}}]]
Freedom House measures the level of political and economic governance in 29 countries from Central Europe to Central Asia.
"Freedom House assign scores to countries and territories across the globe on 10 indicators of political rights (e.g., whether there is a realistic opportunity for opposition parties to gain power through elections) and 15 indicators of civil liberties (e.g., whether there is a free and independent media)." Freedom House classifies transitional or hybrid regimes as:{{cite web | title=Countries and Territories | website=Freedom House | url=https://freedomhouse.org/countries/nations-transit/scores | access-date=Nov 25, 2022 | archive-date=March 26, 2023 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230326034325/https://freedomhouse.org/countries/nations-transit/scores | url-status=live }}
{{Blockquote |Countries that are typically electoral democracies where democratic institutions are fragile, and substantial challenges to the protection of political rights and civil liberties exist}}
In 2022, Freedom House classified 11 of 29 countries analyzed as "Transitional or Hybrid Regimes":
{{div col|colwidth=10em|rules=yes|gap=2em}}
- Armenia
- Georgia
- Moldova
- Bosnia and Herzegovina
- Kosovo
- Ukraine
- Hungary
- Albania
- Serbia
- North Macedonia
- Montenegro
{{div col end}}{{Clear}}
Typology
{{further|List of countries by system of government|List of forms of government}}
File:Democracy claims.svg while countries in red do not. Only Saudi Arabia, Oman, the UAE, Qatar, Brunei, Afghanistan, and the Vatican do not claim to be democratic.]]
According to Yale professor Juan José Linz, there are three main types of political systems today: democracies, totalitarian regimes and, sitting between these two, authoritarian regimes with many different terms that describe specific types of hybrid regimes.{{efn| name=transition}}{{efn| name=terms}}{{cite book | last=Dobratz | first=B.A. | title=Power, Politics, and Society: An Introduction to Political Sociology | publisher=Taylor & Francis | year=2015 | isbn=978-1-317-34529-9 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=RoK9CgAAQBAJ&pg=PA47 | access-date=Apr 30, 2023 | page=47 | archive-date=April 30, 2023 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230430083243/https://books.google.com/books?id=RoK9CgAAQBAJ&pg=PA47 | url-status=live }}{{cite book | author1 = Juan José Linz | date = 2000 | title = Totalitarian and Authoritarian Regimes | publisher = Lynne Rienner Publisher | pages = 143 | isbn = 978-1-55587-890-0 | oclc = 1172052725 | url = https://books.google.com/books?id=8cYk_ABfMJIC&pg=PA143 | access-date = 2022-11-19 | archive-date = 2023-04-22 | archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20230422130238/https://books.google.com/books?id=8cYk_ABfMJIC&pg=PA143 | url-status = live }}{{cite book | editor = Jonathan Michie | date = 3 February 2014 | title = Reader's Guide to the Social Sciences | publisher = Routledge | page = 95 | isbn = 978-1-135-93226-8 | url = https://books.google.com/books?id=ip_IAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA95 | access-date = 19 November 2022 | archive-date = 22 April 2023 | archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20230422130238/https://books.google.com/books?id=ip_IAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA95 | url-status = live }}
Academics generally refer to a full dictatorship as either a form of authoritarianism or totalitarianism over a "hybrid system".{{cite book | editor1 = Allan Todd | editor2 = Sally Waller | author1 = Allan Todd | author2 = Sally Waller | date = 10 September 2015 | title = History for the IB Diploma Paper 2 AuthoritariaAuthoritarian States (20th Century) | publisher = Cambridge University Press | pages = 10– | isbn = 978-1-107-55889-2 | url = https://books.google.com/books?id=y_pfCgAAQBAJ&pg=PA10 | access-date = 19 November 2022 | archive-date = 22 April 2023 | archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20230422130238/https://books.google.com/books?id=y_pfCgAAQBAJ&pg=PA10 | url-status = live }}{{Cite journal |last1 = Sondrol |first1 = P. C. |s2cid = 144333167 |title = Totalitarian and Authoritarian Dictators: A Comparison of Fidel Castro and Alfredo Stroessner |journal = Journal of Latin American Studies |volume = 23 |issue = 3 |year = 2009 |pages = 599–620 |doi = 10.1017/S0022216X00015868 |jstor = 157386 |url = https://www.jstor.org/stable/157386 |access-date = 2022-11-19 |archive-date = 2023-03-08 |archive-url = https://web.archive.org/web/20230308100323/https://www.jstor.org/stable/157386 |url-status = live }} Authoritarian governments that conduct elections are in many scholars view not hybrids, but are successful well-institutionalized stable authoritarian regimes.{{efn| name=transition}}{{cite book | last=Schedler | first=Andreas | title=The SAGE Handbook of Comparative Politics | chapter=Electoral Authoritarianism | publisher=SAGE Publications Ltd | publication-place=1 Oliver's Yard, 55 City Road, London EC1Y 1SP United Kingdom | year=2009 | doi=10.4135/9780857021083.n21 | pages=380–393| isbn=9781412919760 }}[https://scholar.google.com/citations?hl=en&user=OS0bKLwAAAAJ#d=gs_md_cita-d&u=%2Fcitations%3Fview_op%3Dview_citation%26hl%3Den%26user%3DOS0bKLwAAAAJ%26citation_for_view%3DOS0bKLwAAAAJ%3A2osOgNQ5qMEC%26tzom%3D-180 Levitsky and Way 2002] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221230223648/https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=OS0bKLwAAAAJ&hl=en#d=gs_md_cita-d&u=%2Fcitations%3Fview_op%3Dview_citation%26hl%3Den%26user%3DOS0bKLwAAAAJ%26citation_for_view%3DOS0bKLwAAAAJ%3A2osOgNQ5qMEC%26tzom%3D-180 |date=2022-12-30 }}; [https://muse.jhu.edu/article/16690/summary T. Karl 1995] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210301233426/https://muse.jhu.edu/article/16690/summary |date=2021-03-01 }}; [https://scholar.google.com/citations?hl=en&user=VPgc_xUAAAAJ#d=gs_md_cita-d&u=%2Fcitations%3Fview_op%3Dview_citation%26hl%3Den%26user%3DVPgc_xUAAAAJ%26citation_for_view%3DVPgc_xUAAAAJ%3AZeXyd9-uunAC%26tzom%3D-180 L. Diamond 1999] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230131201240/https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=VPgc_xUAAAAJ&hl=en#d=gs_md_cita-d&u=%2Fcitations%3Fview_op%3Dview_citation%26hl%3Den%26user%3DVPgc_xUAAAAJ%26citation_for_view%3DVPgc_xUAAAAJ%3AZeXyd9-uunAC%26tzom%3D-180 |date=2023-01-31 }}; [https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=RJER1xQAAAAJ#d=gs_md_cita-d&u=%2Fcitations%3Fview_op%3Dview_citation%26hl%3Den%26user%3DRJER1xQAAAAJ%26citation_for_view%3DRJER1xQAAAAJ%3Au5HHmVD_uO8C%26tzom%3D-180 A. Schedler 2002] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221230223646/https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=RJER1xQAAAAJ#d=gs_md_cita-d&u=%2Fcitations%3Fview_op%3Dview_citation%26hl%3Den%26user%3DRJER1xQAAAAJ%26citation_for_view%3DRJER1xQAAAAJ%3Au5HHmVD_uO8C%26tzom%3D-180 |date=2022-12-30 }}Barbara Geddes — Why Parties and Elections in Authoritarian Regimes?; Department of Political Science; March 2006 Democratic elements can simultaneously serve authoritarian purposes and contribute to democratization.{{cite journal | last=Brancati | first=Dawn | title=Democratic Authoritarianism: Origins and Effects | journal=Annual Review of Political Science | publisher=Annual Reviews | volume=17 | issue=1 | date=May 11, 2014 | issn=1094-2939 | doi=10.1146/annurev-polisci-052013-115248 | pages=313–326}}
= Electoral authoritarianism =
Electoral authoritarianism means that democratic institutions are imitative and, due to numerous systematic violations of liberal democratic norms, in fact adhere to authoritarian methods.{{citation | last=Schedler | first=Andreas | title=Emerging Trends in the Social and Behavioral Sciences | chapter=Electoral Authoritarianism | publisher=Wiley | date=May 15, 2015 | doi=10.1002/9781118900772.etrds0098 | pages=1–16| isbn=9781118900772 }} Electoral authoritarianism can be competitive and hegemonic, and the latter does not necessarily mean election irregularities. A. Schedler calls electoral authoritarianism a new form of authoritarian regime, not a hybrid regime or illiberal democracy. Moreover, a purely authoritarian regime does not need elections as a source of legitimacy{{cite journal |last=Гудков |first=Лев |date=2009 |title=Природа "Путинизма" |trans-title=The nature of "Putinism" |url=https://cyberleninka.ru/article/v/priroda-putinizma |journal=Вестник общественного мнения. Данные. Анализ. Дискуссии. |volume=3 |pages=13 |access-date=2019-08-13 |archive-date=2019-08-13 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190813112950/https://cyberleninka.ru/article/v/priroda-putinizma |url-status=live }} while non-alternative elections, appointed at the request of the ruler, are not a sufficient condition for considering the regime conducting them to be hybrid.
=Electoral autocracy=
{{Excerpt|Electoral autocracy|only=paragraph|paragraph=1,2,3|hat=no}}
= Illiberal democracy =
{{Excerpt|Illiberal democracy|only=paragraph|paragraph=1,2,3}}
= Dominant-party system =
{{Excerpt|Dominant-party system|only=paragraph|paragraph=1}}
= Delegative democracy=
{{Excerpt|Delegative democracy|only=paragraph|paragraph=1,2,3|hat=no}}
= Dictablanda=
{{Excerpt|Dictablanda|only=paragraph|paragraph=1,2,3|hat=no}}
=Guided democracy=
{{Excerpt|Guided democracy|only=paragraph|hat=no|paragraph=1,2,3}}
=Liberal autocracy=
{{Excerpt|Liberal autocracy|only=paragraph|hat=no}}
=Semi-democracy=
{{Excerpt|Anocracy|only=paragraph|hat=no}}
=Defective democracy=
{{Excerpt|Defective democracy|only=paragraph|hat=no}}
=Embedded democracy=
{{Excerpt|Embedded democracy|only=paragraph|hat=no}}
=Competitive authoritarian regimes=
Competitive Authoritarian Regimes (or Competitive Authoritarianism) is a subtype of Authoritarianism and of the wider Hybrid Regime regime type. This regime type was created to encapsulate states that contained formal democratic institutions that rulers viewed as the principal means of obtaining and exercising legitimate political authority with a meaningful opposition and other semblances of democratic political society. However officials violate elections frequently and interfere with opposition organisations causing the regime to miss the minimum conventional standard for democracy.{{Cite journal |last1=Levitsky |first1=Steven |last2=Way |first2=Lucan A. |date=April 2002 |title=Elections Without Democracy: The Rise of Competitive Authoritarianism |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2002.0026 |journal=Journal of Democracy |volume=13 |issue=2 |pages=51–65 |doi=10.1353/jod.2002.0026 |issn=1086-3214}}{{Cite book |last1=Levitsky |first1=Steven |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511781353 |title=Competitive Authoritarianism |last2=Way |first2=Lucan A. |date=2010-08-16 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |doi=10.1017/cbo9780511781353 |isbn=978-0-521-88252-1}}{{Cite journal |last1=Levitsky |first1=Steven |last2=Way |first2=Lucan |date=2020 |title=The New Competitive Authoritarianism |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2020.0004 |journal=Journal of Democracy |volume=31 |issue=1 |pages=51–65 |doi=10.1353/jod.2020.0004 |issn=1086-3214}}{{Cite journal |last=Diamond |first=Larry |date=April 2002 |title=Elections Without Democracy: Thinking About Hybrid Regimes |url=http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jod.2002.0025 |journal=Journal of Democracy |volume=13 |issue=2 |pages=21–35 |doi=10.1353/jod.2002.0025 |s2cid=154815836 |issn=1086-3214}}
Three main instruments are used within Competitive Authoritarian Regimes to maintain political power: the self-serving use of state institutions (regarding abuses of electoral and judicial institutions such as voter intimidation and voter fraud); the overuse of state resources (to gain influence and/or power over proportional representation media, and use legal resources to disturb constitutional change); and the disruption of civil liberties (such as freedom of speech/press and association).
Currently, within the political sphere, Competitive Authoritarianism has become a crucial regime type that has grown exponentially since the Post-Soviet era in multiple world regions without signs of slowing. On the contrary, there has been growth of Competitive Authoritarianism within previously steadfast democratic regimes, which has been attributed to the recent phenomenon of democratic backsliding.{{Cite journal |last=Mufti |first=Mariam |date=2018-06-22 |title=What Do We Know about Hybrid Regimes after Two Decades of Scholarship? |journal=Politics and Governance |volume=6 |issue=2 |pages=112–119 |doi=10.17645/pag.v6i2.1400 |doi-access=free |issn=2183-2463}}
See also
Notes
{{Notelist}}
References
{{reflist}}
Sources
- {{cite journal |last1=Bonet |first1=Lluis |last2=Zamorano |first2=Mariano Martín |title=Cultural policies in illiberal democracies: a conceptual framework based on the Polish and Hungarian governing experiences |journal=International Journal of Cultural Policy |date=2021 |volume=27 |issue=5 |doi=10.1080/10286632.2020.1806829|s2cid=225285163 }}
- {{cite journal |last1=Christie |first1=Kenneth |title=Illiberal Democracy, Modernisation and Southeast Asia |journal=Theoria: A Journal of Social and Political Theory |date=1998 |issue=91 |pages=102–118 |jstor=41802094 |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/41802094 |issn=0040-5817}}
- {{cite journal |last1=DeVotta |first1=Neil |date=2010 |title=From civil war to soft authoritarianism: Sri Lanka in comparative perspective |url=https://www.researchgate.net/publication/233082946 |journal=Global Change, Peace & Security |volume=22 |issue=3 |pages=331–343 |doi=10.1080/14781158.2010.510268 |s2cid=143630796}}
- {{cite encyclopedia |editor-last1=Kennedy |editor-first1=Kerry J |year=2021 |title=Civic Engagement in Changing Contexts |url=https://link.springer.com/book/10.1007/978-981-16-7495-2 |encyclopedia=SpringerBriefs in Education |chapter=Is Democracy 'Dead'? |chapter-url=https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-981-16-7495-2_5 |location=Singapore |publisher=Springer Publishing |access-date=April 13, 2025 |isbn=978-981-16-7494-5|doi=10.1007/978-981-16-7495-2_5}}
- {{Cite book |last=Mounk |first=Yascha |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=DrZ9zgEACAAJ&q=The+People+vs.+Democracy |title=The People Vs. Democracy - Why Our Freedom Is in Danger and How to Save It |date=2020-03-18 |publisher=Harvard University Press |isbn=978-0-674-24502-0 |language=en}}
- {{cite journal |last1=Nyyssönen |first1=Heino |last2=Metsälä |first2=Jussi |date=24 September 2020 |title=Liberal Democracy and its Current Illiberal Critique: The Emperor's New Clothes? |journal=Europe-Asia Studies |volume=73 |issue=2 |pages=273–290 |doi=10.1080/09668136.2020.1815654 |quote=Thus, there is a real danger of ‘pseudo-democracy’, especially because elections can be manipulated and often are. In these cases, elections and other democratic institutions are simply adapted patterns of authoritarianism, not democracy in some imperfect form, having the dual purpose of legitimising the incumbent’s rule and guarding it from any danger of democratic change. |doi-access=free}}
- {{cite journal |last=Plattner|first=Marc F.|title=Illiberal Democracy and the Struggle on the Right |date=January 2019 |journal=Journal of Democracy |volume=30 |issue=1 |pages=5–19 |doi=10.1353/jod.2019.0000 |url=https://www.journalofdemocracy.org/articles/illiberal-democracy-and-the-struggle-on-the-right/}}
- {{cite book |last1=Sajó |first1=András |title=Ruling by Cheating: Governance in Illiberal Democracy |date=2021 |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-1-108-84463-5}}
- {{cite book |title=Routledge Handbook of Illiberalism |date=2021 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-1-000-47945-4 |language=en |editor-last1=Sajó|editor-first1=András|editor-last2=Uitz|editor-first2=Renáta|editor-last3=Holmes|editor-first3=Stephen|edition=1|doi=10.4324/9780367260569}}
- {{Cite book |last=Schedler |first=Andreas |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=I-QPAQAAMAAJ&q=Electoral+Authoritarianism:+The+Dynamics+of+Unfree+Competition |title=Electoral Authoritarianism: The Dynamics of Unfree Competition |date=2006 |publisher=Lynne Rienner Publishers |isbn=978-1-58826-415-2 |language=en}}
- {{cite web |last=Self |first=Darin |title=Illiberal Democracies and Democratic Backsliding |website=Oxford Bibliographies Online |date=2022-09-26 |url=https://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/display/document/obo-9780199756223/obo-9780199756223-0352.xml |doi=10.1093/obo/9780199756223-0352 |isbn=978-0-19-975622-3 |access-date=2023-04-26}}
Further reading
=Contemporary analysts=
{{Refbegin}}
- {{cite journal | last1=Herre | first1=Bastian | last2=Roser | first2=Max | title=Democracy | journal=Our World in Data | date=2013-03-15 | url=https://ourworldindata.org/democracy | access-date=2022-11-18 | archive-date=2022-11-18 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221118145723/https://ourworldindata.org/democracy | url-status=live }}
- {{cite journal | last=Balderacchi | first=Claudio | title=Overlooked forms of non-democracy? Insights from hybrid regimes | journal=Third World Quarterly | volume=43 | issue=6 | date=2022-04-14 | issn=0143-6597 | doi=10.1080/01436597.2022.2059460 | pages=1441–1459| s2cid=248208017 | doi-access=free }}
- {{cite journal | last=Ekman | first=Joakim | title=Political Participation and Regime Stability: A Framework for Analyzing Hybrid Regimes | journal=International Political Science Review | publisher=Sage Publications, Ltd. | volume=30 | issue=1 | year=2009 | issn=0192-5121 | jstor=20445173 | pages=7–31 | doi=10.1177/0192512108097054 | s2cid=145077481 | doi-access=free }}
- {{cite journal | last1=Lührmann | first1=Anna | last2=Tannenberg | first2=Marcus | last3=Lindberg | first3=Staffan I. | title=Regimes of the World (RoW): Opening New Avenues for the Comparative Study of Political Regimes | journal=Politics and Governance | volume=6 | issue=1 | date=2018-03-19 | issn=2183-2463 | pages=60–77 | doi=10.17645/pag.v6i1.1214 | url=https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1214 | access-date=2022-11-18 | archive-date=2022-11-18 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221118145723/https://www.cogitatiopress.com/politicsandgovernance/article/view/1214 | url-status=live | doi-access=free }}
- {{citation | last=Skaaning | first=Svend-Erik | title=Lexical Index of Electoral Democracy (LIED) dataset v6.0 | year=2021 | publisher=Harvard Dataverse | doi=10.7910/DVN/WPKNIT | url=https://dataverse.harvard.edu/citation?persistentId=doi:10.7910/DVN/WPKNIT }}
- {{cite book | last=Schedler | first=A. | title=The Politics of Uncertainty: Sustaining and Subverting Electoral Authoritarianism | publisher=OUP Oxford | series=Oxford Studies in Democratization | year=2013 | isbn=978-0-19-166983-5 | url=https://books.google.com/books?id=nXxoAgAAQBAJ&pg=PP1 | access-date=2022-11-19 | archive-date=2023-04-04 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230404021612/https://books.google.com/books?id=nXxoAgAAQBAJ&pg=PP1 | url-status=live }}
- {{cite web | title=BTI 2022 Benin Country Report | website=BTI 2022 | date=2021-02-19 | url=https://bti-project.org/en/reports/country-report/BEN | access-date=2022-11-18 | archive-date=2022-11-18 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20221118154218/https://bti-project.org/en/reports/country-report/BEN | url-status=live }}
- [https://fsi-live.s3.us-west-1.amazonaws.com/s3fs-public/gameofelectoralfraud.pdf Beatriz Magaloni. 2010. "The Game of Electoral Fraud and the Ousting of Authoritarian Rule."] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190729150701/https://fsi-live.s3.us-west-1.amazonaws.com/s3fs-public/gameofelectoralfraud.pdf |date=2019-07-29 }} American Journal of Political Science, 54 (3): 751-65.
- Weyland, Kurt. 2024. "Hybrid Regimes in Historical Perspective." in The Oxford Handbook of Authoritarian Politics. Oxford University Press.
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=Research history =
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The researchers conducted a comparative analysis of political regimes around the world (Samuel Finer 1970), in developing countries ([https://www.science.org/doi/10.1126/science.131.3414.1662 Almond and Coleman, 1960] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230404021609/https://www.science.org/doi/10.1126/science.131.3414.1662 |date=2023-04-04 }}), among Latin America ([https://books.google.com/books?isbn=0691021945 Collier 1979]) and West Africa regimes ([https://books.google.com/books?isbn=0226989011 Zolberg, 1966]). Types of non-democratic regimes are described ([https://books.google.com/books?isbn=1555878903 Linz, 2000, originally published in 1975] and [https://books.google.com/books?isbn=0300026404 Perlmutter, 1981]). Huntington and Moore ([https://books.google.com/books?id=y3mCAAAAMAAJ Huntington and Moore, 1970]) discuss the one-party system issue Hermet ([https://books.google.com/books?isbn=1349033421 Guy Hermet, Rose, & Rouquie 1978]) explores how elections are held in such authoritarian regimes, which are nominally democratic institutions.
"Hybrid regimes" ([https://books.google.com/books?isbn=1139491482 Diamond 2002]), "competitive authoritarianism" ([https://scholar.harvard.edu/levitsky/files/SL_elections.pdf Levitsky and Way 2002] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190808185959/https://scholar.harvard.edu/levitsky/files/SL_elections.pdf |date=2019-08-08 }}) and "electoral authoritarianism" ([https://books.google.com/books?isbn=1588264408 Schedler, 2006]) as well as how officials who came to power in an undemocratic way form election rules ([https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0010414002035003004 Lust-Okar and Jamal, 2002] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190730115600/https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0010414002035003004 |date=2019-07-30 }}), institutionalize electoral frauds ([https://www.researchgate.net/publication/228913438_Electoral_Fraud_Causes_Types_and_Consequences Lehoucq 2003] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20220313095140/https://www.researchgate.net/publication/228913438_Electoral_Fraud_Causes_Types_and_Consequences |date=2022-03-13 }}, [https://muse.jhu.edu/article/17201 Schedler 2002] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20190826085932/https://muse.jhu.edu/article/17201 |date=2019-08-26 }}) and manipulate the economy ([https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=DZZUIgUAAAAJ L. Blaydes] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20230404021609/https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=DZZUIgUAAAAJ |date=2023-04-04 }} 2006, [https://web.archive.org/web/20170809145145/http://www.sscnet.ucla.edu/polisci/cpworkshop/papers/Magaloni.pdf Magaloni 2006]) in order to win the election and stay in power.
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External links
- [https://ecpr.eu/Events/Event/SectionDetails/833 Hybrid Concepts and the Concept of Hybridity] - European Consortium for Political Research
- [https://ourworldindata.org/democracies-measurement Democracy data: how do researchers measure democracy?] -Our World in Data
{{Political spectrum}}