anti-Stalinist left

{{Main|Left-wing uprisings against the Bolsheviks|Kronstadt rebellion|Left communism|libertarian Marxism}}

A large majority of the political left was initially enthusiastic about the Bolshevik Revolution in the revolutionary era. In the beginning, the Bolsheviks and their policies received much support because the movement was originally painted by Lenin and other leaders in a libertarian light.{{Cite web|last=Goldman|first=Emma|date=1935|title=There Is No Communism in Russia|url=https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/emma-goldman-there-is-no-communism-in-russia|url-status=live|access-date=2021-03-13|website=The Anarchist Library|language=en|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20121003214005/http://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/emma-goldman-there-is-no-communism-in-russia |archive-date=3 October 2012 }} However, as more politically repressive methods were used, the Bolsheviks steadily lost support from many anarchists and revolutionaries. Prominent anarchist communists and libertarian Marxists such as Sylvia Pankhurst, Rosa Luxemburg, and later, Emma Goldman were among the first left-wing critics of Bolshevism.{{cite journal | url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/4205366 | jstor=4205366 | last1=Schurer | first1=H. | title=Some Reflections on Rosa Luxemburg and the Bolshevik Revolution | journal=The Slavonic and East European Review | year=1962 | volume=40 | issue=95 | pages=356–372 }}

Rosa Luxemburg was heavily critical of the methods that Bolsheviks used to seize power in the October Revolution claiming that it was "not a movement of the people but of the bourgeoisie".[https://libcom.org/article/nationalities-question-russian-revolution-rosa-luxemburg-1918 "The Nationalities Question in the Russian Revolution (Rosa Luxemburg, 1918)"]. Libcom.org. 11 July 2006. Retrieved 2 April 2021 Primarily, Luxemburg's critiques were based on the manner in which the Bolsheviks suppressed anarchist movements.{{cite journal | url=http://www.jstor.org/stable/4546390 | jstor=4546390 | title='Rosa Luxemburg Belongs to Us!' German Communism and the Luxemburg Legacy | last1=Weitz | first1=Eric D. | journal=Central European History | year=1994 | volume=27 | issue=1 | pages=27–64 | doi=10.1017/S0008938900009675 | s2cid=144709093 | url-access=subscription }} In one of her essays published titled "The Nationalities Question in the Russian Revolution", she explains:

{{quote|To be sure, in all these cases, it was really not the "people" who engaged in these reactionary policies, but only the bourgeois and petit bourgeois classes, who – in sharpest opposition to their own proletarian masses – perverted the "national right of self-determination" into an instrument of their counter-revolutionary class policies.}}

File:Bundesarchiv Bild 183-14077-006, Rosa Luxemburg.jpg

Because of her early criticisms toward the Bolsheviks, her legacy was vilified by Stalin once he rose to power.Trotsky, Leon (June 1932). "Hands Off Rosa Luxemburg!". International Marxist Tendency. According to Trotsky, Stalin was "often lying about her and vilifying her" in the eyes of the public.

The relations between the anarchists and the Bolsheviks worsened in Soviet Russia due to the suppression of movements like the Kronstadt rebellion and the Makhnovist movement. The Kronstadt rebellion (March 1921) was a key moment during which many libertarian and democratic leftists broke with the Bolsheviks, laying the foundations for the anti-Stalinist left. The American anti-Stalinist socialist Daniel Bell later said:

{{quote|Every radical generation, it is said, has its Kronstadt. For some it was the Moscow Trials, for others the Nazi-Soviet Pact, for still others Hungary (The Raik Trial or 1956), Czechoslovakia (the defenestration of Masaryk in 1948 or the Prague Spring of 1968), the Gulag, Cambodia, Poland (and there will be more to come). My Kronstadt was Kronstadt.{{cite web | last=Bell | first=Daniel | title=Arguing the World – The New York Intellectuals | website=PBS | url=https://www.pbs.org/arguing/nyintellectuals_bell_2.html | access-date=2021-04-23 | archive-date=16 April 2021 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210416181915/https://www.pbs.org/arguing/nyintellectuals_bell_2.html | url-status=live }}{{cite web | title=The Hitchens out-takes | website=Prospect Magazine | date=2008-05-24 | url=https://www.prospectmagazine.co.uk/magazine/thehitchensouttakes | access-date=2021-04-23 | archive-date=23 April 2021 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210423163145/https://www.prospectmagazine.co.uk/magazine/thehitchensouttakes | url-status=live }}{{cite web | title=Critical Crossings | website=UC Press E-Books Collection, 1982–2004 | url=https://publishing.cdlib.org/ucpressebooks/view?docId=ft9w1009t9&chunk.id=d0e6145&toc.id=d0e5478&toc.depth=1&brand=ucpress;query=Cold%20War&anchor.id=bkd0e6445 | access-date=2021-04-23 | archive-date=23 April 2021 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210423163146/https://publishing.cdlib.org/ucpressebooks/view?docId=ft9w1009t9&chunk.id=d0e6145&toc.id=d0e5478&toc.depth=1&brand=ucpress;query=Cold%20War&anchor.id=bkd0e6445 | url-status=live }}{{cite web | title=Remembering Daniel Bell | website=Dissent Magazine | date=2012-09-27 | url=https://www.dissentmagazine.org/online_articles/remembering-daniel-bell | access-date=2021-04-23 | archive-date=23 April 2021 | archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210423163145/https://www.dissentmagazine.org/online_articles/remembering-daniel-bell | url-status=live }}}}

Another key anti-Stalinist, Louis Fischer, later coined the term "Kronstadt moment" for this.

Like Rosa Luxemburg, Emma Goldman was primarily critical of Lenin's style of leadership, but her focus eventually transferred over to Stalin and his policies as he rose to power. In her essay titled "There Is No Communism in Russia", Goldman details how Stalin "abused the power of his position" and formed a dictatorship. In this text she states:

{{quote|In other words, by the Central Committee and Politbureau of the Party, both of them controlled absolutely by one man, Stalin. To call such a dictatorship, this personal autocracy more powerful and absolute than any Czar's, by the name of Communism seems to me the acme of imbecility.}}

Emma Goldman asserted that there was "not the least sign in Soviet Russia even of authoritarian, State Communism". Emma Goldman remained critical of Stalin and the Bolshevik's style of governance up until her death in 1940.{{Cite book |first=Emma |last=Goldman |title=Living my life |date=1988 |publisher=Pluto Press |oclc=166081114}}

Overall, the left communists and anarchists were critical of the statist, repressive, and totalitarian nature of Marxism–Leninism which eventually carried over to Stalinism and Stalin's policy in general. Conversely, Trotsky argued that he and Lenin had intended to lift the ban on the opposition parties such as the Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries as soon as the economic and social conditions of Soviet Russia had improved.{{cite book |last1=Deutscher |first1=Isaac |title=The Prophet: The Life of Leon Trotsky |date=5 January 2015 |publisher=Verso Books |isbn=978-1-78168-721-5 |pages=528 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=YGznDwAAQBAJ&q=isaac+deutscher+trotsky+the+prophet |language=en}}

{{Main|Old Bolsheviks|Left Opposition|United Opposition (Soviet Union)|Right Opposition|Third Period}}

File:Leon Trotsky, 1930s.jpg revolutionary Leon Trotsky was exiled by Stalin in February 1929.{{Cite web |title=Stalin banishes Trotsky |website=History |date=21 July 2010 |url=https://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/stalin-banishes-trotsky}} Trotsky would become the most vocal and prominent critic of Stalinism in the early 20th century.]]

One of the last attempts of the Right Opposition to resist Stalin was the Ryutin affair in 1932, where a manifesto against the policy of collectivization was circulated; it openly called for "The Liquidation of the dictatorship of Stalin and his clique".{{Cite book |last=Ryutin|first=Martemyan N. |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=yYIfSQAACAAJ|title=The Ryutin Platform: Stalin and the Crisis of Proletarian Dictatorship: Platform of the "Union of Marxists-Leninists" |date=2010|publisher=Seribaan|isbn=978-81-87492-28-3|language=en |access-date=23 April 2021|archive-date=23 April 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210423160624/https://books.google.com/books?id=yYIfSQAACAAJ|url-status=live}} Later, some rightists joined a secret bloc with Leon Trotsky, Zinoviev and Kamenev to oppose Stalin. Historian Pierre Broué stated that it dissolved in early 1933.{{Cite web|title=Pierre Broué: The 'Bloc' of the Oppositions against Stalin (January 1980)|url=https://www.marxists.org/archive/broue/1980/01/bloc.html|access-date=2020-08-07|website=www.marxists.org|archive-date=12 August 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210812075818/https://www.marxists.org/archive/broue/1980/01/bloc.html|url-status=live}}

File:Nikolai Bukharin.jpeg

Leon Trotsky and Stalin disagreed on issues of industrialization and revolutionary tactics. Trotsky believed that there was a need for super-industrialization while Stalin believed in a rapid surge and collectivization, as written in his 5-year plan. Trotsky believed an accelerated global surge to be the answer to institute communism globally.{{Cite web|title=L. D. Trotsky: The New Course in the Economy of the Soviet Union (March 1930)|url=https://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1930/03/newcourse.htm|access-date=2021-04-19|website=Marxists Internet Archive|archive-date=19 April 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210419024946/https://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1930/03/newcourse.htm|url-status=live}} Trotsky was critical of Stalin's methods because he believed the slower pace of collectivization and industrialization to be ineffective in the long run. According to historian Sheila Fitzpatrick, the scholarly consensus is that Stalin appropriated the position of the Left Opposition on such matters as industrialisation and collectivisation.{{cite journal |last1=Fitzpatrick |first1=Sheila |title=The Old Man |journal=London Review of Books |date=22 April 2010 |volume=32 |issue=8 |url=https://www.lrb.co.uk/the-paper/v32/n08/sheila-fitzpatrick/the-old-man |language=en |issn=0260-9592}} Trotsky also disagreed with Stalin's thesis of Socialism in One Country, believing that the institution of revolution in one state or country would not be as effective as a global revolution.{{cite book |first=Martin |last=Oppenheimer |chapter=The 'Russian Question' and the U.S. Left |title=State Capitalism, Contentious Politics and Large-Scale Social Change |series=Studies in Critical Social Sciences |volume=29 |isbn=9789004194748 |publisher=Brill |date=1 January 2011 }} He also criticized how the Socialism in One Country thesis broke with the internationalist traditions of Marxism.Harap, Louis (1989). The Rise and Decline of the Anti-Stalinist Left from the 1930s to the 1980s. Guilford Publication. Trotskyists believed that a permanent global revolution was the most effective method to ensure the system of communism was enacted worldwide. According to his biographer, Isaac Deutscher, Trotsky explicitly supported proletarian internationalism but was opposed to achieving this via military conquest as seen with his documented opposition to the war with Poland in 1920, proposed armistice with the Entente and temperance with staging anti-British revolts in the Middle East.{{cite book |last1=Deutscher |first1=Isaac |title=The Prophet: The Life of Leon Trotsky |date=5 January 2015 |publisher=Verso Books |isbn=978-1-78168-721-5 |pages=472–473 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=YGznDwAAQBAJ&q=isaac+deutscher+trotsky |language=en}}

{{Quote box|width=25em|align=left|bgcolor=|quote=He is an unprincipled intriguer, who subordinates everything to the preservation of his own power. He changes his theory according to whom he needs to get rid of.|source=Bukharin on Stalin's theoretical position, 1928.{{cite book |last1=Sakwa |first1=Richard |title=The Rise and Fall of the Soviet Union |date=17 August 2005 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-1-134-80602-7 |page=165 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=CJ6IAgAAQBAJ&dq=bukharin+he+changes+his+theory+according+to+whom+he+needs+to+get+rid+of&pg=PA165 |language=en}}}}

Overall, Trotsky and his followers were very critical of the lack of internal debate and discussion among Stalinist organizations along with their politically repressive methods. In 1936, Trotsky called for the restoration of the right of criticism in areas such as economic matters, the revitalization of the trade unions and the free elections of the Soviet parties.{{cite book |last1=Trotsky |first1=Leon |title=The Revolution Betrayed: What is the Soviet Union and where is it Going? |date=1991 |publisher=Mehring Books |isbn=978-0-929087-48-1 |page=218 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=hiCYS9Z3lDoC |language=en}} Trotsky also opposed the policy of forced collectivisation under Stalin and favoured a voluntary, gradual approach towards agricultural production{{cite book |last1=Beilharz |first1=Peter |title=Trotsky, Trotskyism and the Transition to Socialism |date=19 November 2019 |publisher=Routledge |isbn=978-1-000-70651-2 |pages=1–206 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Lfe-DwAAQBAJ&dq=trotsky+widely+acknowledged+collectivisation&pg=PT196 |language=en}}{{cite book |last1=Rubenstein |first1=Joshua |title=Leon Trotsky: a revolutionary's life |date=2011 |location=New Haven |publisher=Yale University Press |isbn=978-0-300-13724-8 |page=161 |url=https://archive.org/details/leontrotskyrevol0000rube/page/160/mode/2up?q=forced+collectivization}} with greater tolerance for the rights of Soviet Ukrainians.{{cite book |last1=Deutscher |first1=Isaac |title=The Prophet: The Life of Leon Trotsky |date=5 January 2015 |publisher=Verso Books |isbn=978-1-78168-721-5 |page=637 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=YGznDwAAQBAJ&q=isaac+deutscher+trotsky |language=en}}{{cite web |title=Leon Trotsky: Problem of the Ukraine (1939) |url=https://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/1939/04/ukraine.html |website=Marxists Internet Archive}}

{{Main|Great Purge|Moscow Trials|Dewey Commission|Fourth International|Spanish Revolution of 1936|Spanish Civil War}}

File:Diego rivera Commies.jpg mural (Man, Controller of the Universe) depicts Trotsky with Marx and Engels as a true champion of the workers' struggle.]]

File:Three Arrows election poster of the Social Democratic Party of Germany, 1932 - Gegen Papen, Hitler, Thälmann.png from 1932, with the Three Arrows symbol representing resistance against reactionary conservatism, Nazism and Stalinism, alongside the slogan "Against Papen, Hitler, Thälmann"]]

{{Quote box|width=25em|align=left|bgcolor=|quote=With all the greater frankness can I state how, in my view, the Soviet government should act in case of a fascist upheaval in Germany. In their place, I would, at the very moment of receiving telegraphic news of this event, sign a mobilisation order calling up several age groups. In the face of a mortal enemy, when the logic of the situation points to inevitable war, it would be irresponsible and unpardonable to give that enemy time to establish himself, to consolidate his positions, to conclude alliances ... and to work out the plan to attack.

|source=Trotsky describing the military measures he would have taken in place of Stalin to negate the rise of Hitler in 1932.{{cite book |last1=Deutscher |first1= Isaac |title=The Prophet: The Life of Leon Trotsky |year = 2015 |publisher=Verso Books |isbn=978-1-78168-560-0 |language=en|pages=1192–1193}}}}

From the 1930s and beyond, Leon Trotsky and his American supporter James P. Cannon described the Soviet Union as a "degenerated workers' state", the revolutionary gains of which should be defended against imperialist aggression despite the emergence of a gangster-like ruling stratum, the party bureaucracy. While defending the Russian Revolution from outside aggression, Trotsky, Cannon and their followers at the same time urged an anti-bureaucratic political revolution against Stalinism to be conducted by the Soviet working class themselves.

In 1932 International Revolutionary Marxist Centre was founded as an international association of left-wing parties which rejected both more moderate mainstream social democracy and the Stalinist Third International.

During the 1930s, critics of Stalin, both inside and outside the Soviet Union, were under heavy attack by the party. The Great Purge occurred from 1936 to 1938 as a result of growing internal tensions between the critics of Stalin but eventually turned into an all-out cleansing of "anti-Soviet elements".{{Cite journal |last=Ellman |first=Michael |date=November 2002 |title=Soviet Repression Statistics: Some Comments |journal=Europe-Asia Studies |volume=54 |issue=7 |pages=1151–1172 |doi=10.1080/0966813022000017177 |s2cid=43510161 |issn=0966-8136}} A majority of those targeted were peasants and minorities, but anarchists and democratic socialist opponents were also targeted for their criticisms of the severely repressive political techniques that Stalin used. Many were executed or sent to Gulag prison camps extrajudicially. It is estimated that during the Great Purge, casualties ranged from 600,000 to over 1 million people.

Concurrently, fascism was rising across Europe. The Soviet leadership turned to popular front policy during the 1930s, in which Communists worked with liberal and even conservative allies to defend against a presumed Fascist assault. One of the more notable conflicts could be seen in the Spanish Civil War. While the whole left fought alongside the Republican faction, within it there were sharp conflicts between the Communists, on the one hand, and anarchists, Trotskyists and the POUM on the other.{{Cite book |last=Beevor |first=Antony |title=The battle for Spain: the Spanish Civil War 1936–1939 |date=2006 |publisher=Weidenfeld & Nicolson |isbn=978-0-297-84832-5 |location=London |oclc=64312268}}{{Cite book |last=Howson |first=Gerald |title=Arms for Spain: the untold story of the Spanish Civil War |date=1999 |publisher=St. Martin's Press |isbn=0-312-24177-1 |edition=1st |location=New York |oclc=42706615}} Support for the latter became a key issue for the anti-Stalinist left internationally, as exemplified by the ILP Contingent in the International Brigades, George Orwell's book Homage to Catalonia, the periodical Spain and the World, and various pamphlets by Emma Goldman, Rudolf Rocker and others.{{cite web | last=Vérité | first=La | title=Spanish Revolution | website=English Language Paper of the POUM | date=1936-10-21 | url=https://www.marxists.org/history/spain/poum/spanishrevolution/index.htm | access-date=2022-06-19}}Merilyn Moos, [http://community-languages.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2021/05/Exiles-text.pdf Anti-Nazi Exiles German Socialists in Britain and their Shifting Alliances 1933–1945] (London: Community Languages, 2021){{cite journal | last=Høgsbjerg | first=Christian | title='A Kind of Bible of Trotskyism': Reflections on C.L.R. James's World Revolution | journal=The CLR James Journal | publisher=Philosophy Documentation Center | volume=19 | issue=1/2 | year=2013 | issn=2167-4256 | oclc=8289946512 | jstor=26752040 | pages=243–275 | doi=10.5840/clrjames2013191/214 | url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/26752040 | access-date=2022-06-19| url-access=subscription }}

In other countries too, non-Communist left parties competed with Stalinism as the same time as they fought the right. The Three Arrows symbol was adopted by the German Social Democrats to signify this multi-pronged conflict.{{cite book |last1= Potthoff |first1=Heinrich |last2= Faulenbach |first2=Bernd |year= 1998 |title=Sozialdemokraten und Kommunisten nach Nationalsozialismus und Krieg: zur historischen Einordnung der Zwangsvereinigung |language=de |publisher= Klartext |page= 27 }}

{{See also|Titoism}}

Dissidents in the Trotskyist Socialist Workers Party, witnessing the collaboration of Joseph Stalin and Adolf Hitler in the invasion and the partition of Poland and the Soviet invasion of the Baltic states, argued that the Soviet Union had actually emerged as a new social formation, which was neither capitalist nor socialist. Adherents of that view, espoused most explicitly by Max Shachtman and closely following the writings of James Burnham and Bruno Rizzi, argued that the Soviet bureaucratic collectivist regime had in fact entered one of two great imperialist "camps" aiming to wage war to divide the world. The first of the imperialist camps, which Stalin and the Soviet Union were said to have joined as a directly participating ally, was headed by Nazi Germany and included most notably Fascist Italy. In that original analysis, the "second imperialist camp" was headed by England and France, actively supported by the United States.See for example [https://www.marxists.org/archive/shachtma/1940/05/mayday.htm "Against Both War Camps – For the Camp of World Labor!"] and the May Day 1940 manifesto of the Workers Party, the political offshoot of the SWP established by Burnham, Shachtman and Martin Abern in April 1940 (Labor Action, "Special May Day Preview Number", May 1, 1940, p. 1).

Shachtman and his cothinkers argued for the establishment of a broad "third camp" to unite the workers and colonial peoples of the world in revolutionary struggle against the imperialism of the German–Soviet–Italian and the Anglo–American–French blocs. Shachtman concluded that the Soviet policy was one of imperialism and that the best result for the international working class would be the defeat of the Soviet Union in the course of its military incursions. Conversely, Trotsky argued that a defeat for the Soviet Union would strengthen capitalism and reduce the possibilities for political revolution.A series of sharply critical articles and letters from Trotsky's debates with Shachtman was published posthumously under the title In Defense of Marxism. Cannon's polemics against Burnham and Shachtman are contained in the book The Struggle for a Proletarian Party.

File:Josip Broz Tito uniform portrait.jpg.]]

Josip Broz Tito became one of the most prominent leftist critics of Stalin after World War II. The Communist Party of Yugoslavia and the policies that were established was originally closely modeled on that of the Soviet Union. In the eyes of many, "Yugoslavia followed perfectly down the path of Soviet Marxism".{{Cite journal|last=Macridis|first=Roy|date=1952|title=Stalinism and the Meaning of Titoism|url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/2009046|journal=World Politics|volume=4|issue=2|pages=219–238|doi=10.2307/2009046|jstor=2009046|s2cid=154384077 |issn=0043-8871|access-date=19 April 2021|archive-date=19 April 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210419094304/https://www.jstor.org/stable/2009046|url-status=live|url-access=subscription}} At the start, Tito was even considered "Stalin's most faithful pupil".{{Cite journal|last=Mehta|first=Coleman|date=2011|title=The CIA Confronts the Tito–Stalin Split, 1948–1951|url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/26923606|journal=Journal of Cold War Studies|volume=13|issue=1|pages=101–145|doi=10.1162/JCWS_a_00070|jstor=26923606|s2cid=57560689|issn=1520-3972|access-date=19 April 2021|archive-date=19 April 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20210419095807/https://www.jstor.org/stable/26923606|url-status=live|url-access=subscription}} However, as the Yugoslavian Communist Party grew in size and power, it became a secondary communist powerhouse in Europe. This eventually caused Tito to try to operate independently, which created tensions with Stalin and the Soviet Union. In 1948, the two leaders split apart because of Yugoslavian independent foreign policy and ideological differences.

Tito and his followers began a political effort to develop a new brand of socialism that would be both Marxist–Leninist in nature yet anti-Stalinist in practice. The result was the Yugoslav system of socialist workers' self-management. This led to the philosophy of organizing of every production-related activity in society into "self-managed units". This came to be known as Titoism. Tito was critical of Stalin because he believed Stalin became "un-Marxian". In the pamphlet titled "On New Roads to Socialism" one of Tito's high ranking aides states:

{{quote|The indictment is long indeed: unequal relations with and exploitation of the other socialist countries, un-Marxian treatment of the role of the leader, inequality in pay greater than in bourgeois democracies, ideological promotion of Great Russian nationalism and subordination of other peoples, a policy of division of spheres of influence with the capitalist world, monopolization of the interpretation of Marxism, the abandonment of all democratic forms ...}}

Tito disagreed on the primary characteristics that defined Stalin's policy and style of leadership. Tito wanted to form his own version of "pure" socialism without many of the "un-Marxian" traits of Stalinism. Tito has also accused Stalinist USSR's hegemonic practices in Eastern Europe and economic exploitation of the Soviet satellite states as imperialist.{{cite journal |title=The Tito–Stalin split: a reassessment in light of new evidence |first=Jeronim |last=Perović |journal=Journal of Cold War Studies |volume=9 |issue=2 |date=2007 |pages=32–63 |publisher=MIT Press |doi=10.1162/jcws.2007.9.2.32 |s2cid=57567168 |url=https://www.zora.uzh.ch/id/eprint/62735/1/Perovic_Tito.pdf}}

Other foreign leftist critics also came about during this time in Europe and America. Some of these critics include George Orwell, H. N. Brailsford,F. M. Leventhal (1985), The Last Dissenter: H. N. Brailsford and His World, Oxford University Press, {{ISBN|0-19-820055-2}} (pp. 248–49). Fenner Brockway,"Brockway ... sought to articulate a socialism distinct from the pragmatism of Labour and the Stalinism of the "Communist Party". David Howell, "Brockway, (Archibald) Fenner, Baron Brockway", in H.C.G. Matthew and Brian Harrison (eds.), Oxford Dictionary of National Biography: From the Earliest Times to the Year 2000. {{ISBN|0-19-861411-X}} (Volume 7, pp. 765–66)Paul Corthorn, In the shadow of the dictators: the British Left in the 1930s. Tauris Academic Studies, 2006, {{ISBN|1-85043-843-9}}, p. 125. the Young People's Socialist League, and later Michael Harrington,Isserman, M. (1996), "Michael Harrington and the Vietnam War: The Failure of Anti-Stalinism in the 1960s". Peace & Change 21: 383–408. {{doi|10.1111/j.1468-0130.1996.tb00279.x}} and the Independent Labour Party in Britain. There were also several anti-Stalinist socialists in France, including writers such as Simone Weil"In August 1933 Weil carried these reflections further in a widely read article in the avant-garde, anti-Stalinist Communist review Revolution proletarienne". John Hellman, Simone Weil: An Introduction to her thought. Wilfrid Laurier University Press, 1982 {{ISBN|0-88920-121-8}}. p.21. and Albert Camus"From well before the Algerian war the Communists in particular held against Camus not so much his anti-Stalinism as his growing refusal to share political 'positions' or get into public arguments". Quoted in Tony Judt, The Burden of Responsibility: Blum, Camus, Aron, and the French Twentieth Century. University of Chicago Press, 2007 {{ISBN|0-226-41419-1}}. p. 92. as well as the group around Marceau Pivert.

In America, the New York Intellectuals around the journals New Leader, Partisan Review, and Dissent were among other critics. In general, these figures criticized Soviet Communism as a form of "totalitarianism which in some ways mirrored fascism".Maurice Isserman. [https://www.dissentmagazine.org/online_articles/steady-work-sixty-years-of-dissent "Steady Work: Sixty Years of Dissent: A history of Dissent magazine"]. {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180924114614/https://www.dissentmagazine.org/online_articles/steady-work-sixty-years-of-dissent |date=24 September 2018 }}. Dissent, January 23, 2014{{cite journal|last=Wilford|first=Hugh|year=2003|title=Playing the CIA's Tune? The New Leader and the Cultural Cold War|journal=Diplomatic History|publisher=Oxford University Press |volume=27|issue=1|pages=15–34|doi=10.1111/1467-7709.00337|issn=0145-2096}} A key text for this movement was The God That Failed, edited by British socialist Richard Crossman in 1949, featuring contributions by Louis Fischer, André Gide, Arthur Koestler, Ignazio Silone, Stephen Spender and Richard Wright, about their journeys to anti-Stalinism.

{{Main|De-Stalinization|Predictions of the collapse of the Soviet Union}}

Following the death of Joseph Stalin, many prominent leaders of Stalin's cabinet sought to seize power. As a result, a Soviet triumvirate was formed between Lavrenty Beria, Georgy Malenkov, and Nikita Khrushchev. The primary goal of the new leadership was to ensure stability in the country while leadership positions within the government were sorted out. Some of the new policy implemented that was antithetical of Stalinism included policy that was free from terror, that decentralized power, and collectivized leadership. After this long power struggle within the Soviet government, Nikita Khrushchev came into power. Once in power, Khrushchev was quick to denounce Stalin and his methods of governance.[http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/115995 "Khrushchev's Secret Speech, 'On the Cult of Personality and Its Consequences', Delivered at the Twentieth Party Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union"], February 25, 1956, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, From the Congressional Record: Proceedings and Debates of the 84th Congress, 2nd Session (May 22, 1956 – June 11, 1956), C11, Part 7 (June 4, 1956), pp. 9389–9403. In a secret speech delivered to the 20th party congress in 1956, Khrushchev was critical of the "cult of personality of Stalin" and his selfishness as a leader:

{{quote|Comrades, the cult of the individual acquired such monstrous size chiefly because Stalin himself, using all conceivable methods, supported the glorification of his own person. This is supported by numerous facts.}}

Khrushchev also revealed to the congress the truth behind Stalin's methods of repression. In addition, he explained that Stalin had rounded up "thousands of people and sent them into a huge system of political work camps" called gulags. The truths revealed in this speech came to the surprise of many, but this fell into the plan of Khrushchev. This speech tainted Stalin's name which resulted in a significant loss of faith in his policy from government officials and citizens.

During this Cold War era, the American non-communist left (NCL) grew.{{Cite web|date=2020-08-17|title=Non-Communist Left Materials|url=https://exhibits.lib.utexas.edu/spotlight/socialist-pamphlets/feature/non-communist-left-materials|access-date=2021-12-17|website=Socialist Pamphlets – UT Libraries Exhibits|language=en|archive-date=17 December 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211217114317/https://exhibits.lib.utexas.edu/spotlight/socialist-pamphlets/feature/non-communist-left-materials|url-status=live}} The NCL was critical of the continuation of Stalinist Communism because of aspects such as famine and repression, and as later discovered, the covert intervention of Soviet state interests in the Communist Party USA (CPUSA).{{Cite book|last1=Haynes|first1=John Earl|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=fBSbKS1FlegC|title=In Denial: Historians, Communism & Espionage|last2=Klehr|first2=Harvey|date=2005|publisher=Encounter Books|isbn=1-59403-088-X|edition=1st|location=San Francisco, California|pages=29–31, 63, 66–69|oclc=62271849}}{{Rp|page=31}} Members of the NCL were often ex-communists, such as the historian Theodore Draper whose views shifted from socialism to liberalism, and socialists who became disillusioned with the communist movement. Anti-Stalinist Trotskyists also wrote about their experiences during this time, such as Irving Howe and Lewis Coser.{{Rp|pages=29–30}} These perspectives inspired the creation of the Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF), as well as international journals like Der Monat and Encounter; it also influenced existing publications such as the Partisan Review.{{Cite book|last=Saunders|first=Frances Stonor|url=https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/826444682|title=The cultural cold war: the CIA and the world of arts and letters|date=2013|isbn=978-1-59558-914-9|location=New York|publisher=New Press|oclc=826444682}} According to John Earl Haynes and Harvey Klehr, the CCF was covertly funded by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) to support intellectuals with pro-democratic and anti-communist stances.{{Rp|pages=66–69}} The Communist Party USA lost much of its influence in the first years of the Cold War due to the revelation of Stalinist crimes by Khrushchev.{{Cite news|last=Cohen|first=Patricia|date=2007-03-20|title=Communist Party USA Gives Its History to N.Y.U.|language=en-US|work=The New York Times|url=https://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/20/arts/20nyu.html|access-date=2021-12-17|issn=0362-4331|archive-date=17 December 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211217114315/https://www.nytimes.com/2007/03/20/arts/20nyu.html|url-status=live}} Although the Soviet Communist Party was no longer officially Stalinist, the Communist Party USA received a substantial subsidy from the USSR from 1959 until 1989, and consistently supported official Soviet policies such as intervention in Hungary and Czechoslovakia. The Soviet funding ended in 1989 when Gus Hall condemned the market initiatives of Mikhail Gorbachev.{{Cite news|date=2014-04-30|title=The curious survival of the US Communist Party|language=en-GB|work=BBC News|url=https://www.bbc.com/news/magazine-26126325|access-date=17 December 2021|archive-date=17 December 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211217114316/https://www.bbc.com/news/magazine-26126325|url-status=live}}

From the late 1950s, several European socialist and communist parties, such as in Denmark and Sweden, shifted away from orthodox communism which they connected to Stalinism that was in recent history.{{Cite book|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=herHAAAAQBAJ|title=1968 in Europe: a history of protest and activism, 1956–1977|date=2008|publisher=Palgrave Macmillan|first1=Martin |last1=Klimke |first2=Joachim |last2=Scharloth|isbn=978-0-230-61190-0|edition=1st|location=New York|pages=240, 285|oclc=314773526}}{{Rp|page=240}} The emergence of the New Left was influenced to some degree by the Soviet invasion of Hungary in 1956 and increasing amount of information available about Stalinist terror.{{Rp|page=285}} Albert Camus criticized Soviet communism, while many leftists saw the Soviet Union as emblematic of "state capitalism".{{Cite book|last=Sherman|first=David|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=X2zuGq1BCBYC|title=Camus|date=2009|publisher=John Wiley & Sons|isbn=978-1-4443-0328-5|location=Chichester|pages=4|oclc=476247587|access-date=17 December 2021|archive-date=17 December 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211217114315/https://books.google.com/books?id=X2zuGq1BCBYC|url-status=live}} After Stalin's death and the Khrushchev Thaw, study and opposition to Stalinism became a part of historiography. The historian Moshe Lewin cautioned not to categorize the entire history of the Soviet Union as Stalinist, but also emphasized that Stalin's bureaucracy had permanently established "bureaucratic absolutism", resembling old monarchy, in the Soviet Union.{{Cite web|title=Moshe Lewin – What should be known about USSR?|url=https://pages.uoregon.edu/kimball/Lewin.Moshe.on.USSR.htm|access-date=2021-12-17|website=pages.uoregon.edu|archive-date=17 December 2021|archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20211217114318/https://pages.uoregon.edu/kimball/Lewin.Moshe.on.USSR.htm|url-status=live}}

{{Main|Betrayal thesis}}

After Fidel Castro's visit to the United States in 1959, various American academics began publishing essays and books on the character of the Cuban Revolution and Fidel Castro. Some arguing that Castro was veering away from the goals of the Cuban Revolution, and towards Stalinism. Others argued that the criticisms of Castro were unwarranted.{{cite book |last=Lambe |first=Jennifer |author-link= |date=2024 |title=The Subject of Revolution Between Political and Popular Culture in Cuba |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=NCr_EAAAQBAJ&dq=betrayal+thesis+draper&pg=PT30 |location= |publisher=University of North Carolina Press |page= |isbn=9781469681160}} Throughout 1960, many articles were published in the socialist Monthly Review journal, arguing against any rumored "betrayal" of the Cuban Revolution. These articles were influenced by the writings of socialists Paul Sweezy and Leo Huberman, who visited Cuba in 1959.{{cite book |last=Rojas |first=Rafael |author-link= |date=2015 |title=Fighting Over Fidel The New York Intellectuals and the Cuban Revolution |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=_kGXCgAAQBAJ |location= |publisher=Princeton University Press |pages=97–100 |isbn=9781400880027}}

In 1961, the historian Theodore Draper famously published in the anti-Stalinist Encounter magazine that Fidel Castro had betrayed the Cuban Revolution and could bring international war. The article was passed to John F. Kennedy, who considered it before approving the Bay of Pigs Invasion.{{cite book |last=Iber |first=Patrick |author-link= |date=2015 |title=Neither Peace Nor Freedom: The Cultural Cold War in Latin America |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=ZymoCgAAQBAJ&dq=betrayal+of+the+revolution+draper&pg=PA141 |location= |publisher=Harvard University Press |page=141 |isbn=9780674915145}} According to Draper, the Cuban Revolution was a middle class movement for democracy. Castro, after coming to power, began pursuing a wave of land reforms in 1960 and 1961. During this time, Castro drifted away from his original democratic goals. Eventually, Castro heavily integrated Communist officials into his provisional government, and by Draper's conception, Castro had abandoned the democratic goals of the Cuban Revolution, and his own land reform plans of 1960–1961.{{cite book |last=Bjarkman |first=Peter |author-link= |date=2018 |title=Fidel Castro and Baseball The Untold Story |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=C31xDwAAQBAJ&dq=betrayal+thesis+draper&pg=PA20 |location= |publisher=Rowman and Littlefield Publishers |pages=19–23 |isbn=9781538110317}}

Draper considered his betrayal thesis to be a criticism of the accounts of socialists like Paul Sweezy and Leo Huberman who were sympathetic to Castro. Draper attempted to present a Marxist interpretation of Castroism, that made analogies to Trotskyist conceptions of Stalinism as a betrayer of the Russian Revolution.{{cite book |last=Goose |first=Van |author-link= |date=1993 |title=Where the Boys Are: Cuba, Cold War and the Making of a New Left |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=wjFy44EcVQAC&dq=cuban+revolution+betray+draper+trotsky&pg=PA214 |location= |publisher=Verso Books |page=214 |isbn=9780860916901}}

Draper's work as a historian of the Cuban Revolution brought him to the attention of the Hoover Institution on War, Revolution, and Peace, an anti-communist think tank located at Stanford University.Christopher Lehmann-Haupt, [https://www.nytimes.com/2006/02/22/national/22DRAPER.html?ex=1298264400&en=02fae410a9cf122b&ei=5090&partner=rssuserland&emc=rss "Theodore Draper, Freelance Historian, Is Dead at 93"], The New York Times, February 22, 2006. Draper accepted a Hoover Institution fellowship and remained there until 1968, at which time he departed, ill at ease with the growing conservatism of the institution.

{{div col|colwidth=15em}}

• Leon Trotsky
• Emma Goldman{{Cite web |title=There Is No Communism in Russia |url=https://theanarchistlibrary.org/library/emma-goldman-there-is-no-communism-in-russia |access-date=2023-08-12 |website=The Anarchist Library |language=en}}
• Colette Audry{{cite book |last1=Brottman |first1=Mikita |author-link1=Mikita Brottman |title=The Great Grisby: Two Thousand Years of Literary, Royal, Philosophical, and Artistic Dog Lovers and Their Exceptional Animals |date=2014 |publisher=Harper Collins |isbn=978-0-06-230463-6 |page=18 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=rvBzAwAAQBAJ&pg=PT18 |access-date=20 June 2020 |language=en |archive-date=26 July 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200726064616/https://books.google.com/books?id=rvBzAwAAQBAJ&pg=PT18 |url-status=live }}{{cite book |last1=Birchall |first1=Ian H. |author-link1=Ian Birchall |title=Sartre Against Stalinism |date=2004 |publisher=Berghahn Books |isbn=978-1-78238-973-6 |pages=5–8 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=sxPdCwAAQBAJ&pg=PA5 |access-date=20 June 2020 |language=en |archive-date=26 July 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200726063641/https://books.google.com/books?id=sxPdCwAAQBAJ&pg=PA5 |url-status=live }}
• Daniel Bell{{cite book | last=Brick | first=Howard | title=Daniel Bell and the decline of intellectual radicalism: social theory and political reconciliation in the 1940s | publisher=University of Wisconsin Press | publication-place=Madison, Wisconsin | year=1986 | isbn=978-0-299-10550-1 | oclc=12804502 | pages=60–61,90,148}}{{cite journal | last=Wilford | first=Hugh | title=Playing the CIA's Tune? The New Leader and the Cultural Cold War | journal=Diplomatic History | publisher=Oxford University Press (OUP) | volume=27 | issue=1 | year=2003 | issn=0145-2096 | doi=10.1111/1467-7709.00337 | pages=15–34}}
• André Breton{{cite book |last1=Collins |first1=Cath |title=Post-Transitional Justice: Human Rights Trials in Chile and El Salvador |date=2010 |publisher=Penn State Press |isbn=978-0-271-03688-5 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=M-_kuLOvxf4C&pg=PA206 |access-date=20 June 2020 |language=en |page=206 |archive-date=13 July 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200713023232/https://books.google.com/books?id=M-_kuLOvxf4C&pg=PA206 |url-status=live }}
• Albert Camus{{Cite book|url=https://www.worldcat.org/oclc/53096794|title=Sartre and Camus: a historic confrontation|date=2004|publisher=Humanity Books|first1=Jean-Paul |last1=Sartre |first2=Albert |last2=Camus |editor1-first=David |editor1-last=Sprintzen |editor2=Adrian Van den Hoven|isbn=1-59102-157-X|location=Amherst, New York|pages=59|oclc=53096794}}
• Milovan Djilas{{cite book|last= Wasserstein|first= Bernard|title= Barbarism and civilization: a history of Europe in our time|year= 2007|publisher= Oxford University Press|isbn= 978-0-19-873074-3|pages= [https://archive.org/details/barbarismciviliz00wass/page/509 509]|url-access= registration|url= https://archive.org/details/barbarismciviliz00wass/page/509}}
• Daniel Guérin
• Sidney HookMichael Hochgeschwender, "The cultural front of the Cold War: the Congress for cultural freedom as an experiment in transnational warfare" Ricerche di storia politica, issue 1/2003, pp. 35–60
• Irving Howe
• CLR James
• Nikita Khrushchev
• Lucien Laurat{{cite book |last1=Birchall |first1=Ian H. |author-link1=Ian Birchall |title=Sartre Against Stalinism |date=2004 |publisher=Berghahn Books |isbn=978-1-78238-973-6 |page=17 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=sxPdCwAAQBAJ&pg=PA17 |access-date=20 June 2020 |language=en |archive-date=26 July 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200726053039/https://books.google.com/books?id=sxPdCwAAQBAJ&pg=PA17 |url-status=live }}{{cite book |last1=Milani |first1=Tommaso |title=Hendrik de Man and Social Democracy |date=15 June 2020 |publisher=Springer Nature |isbn=978-3-030-42534-0 |pages=109 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=z7frDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA109 |access-date=22 June 2020 |language=en |archive-date=9 July 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200709011836/https://books.google.com/books?id=z7frDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA109 |url-status=live }}
• Claude Lefort
• Marcel Martinet{{cite book |last1=Birchall |first1=Ian H. |author-link1=Ian Birchall |title=Sartre Against Stalinism |date=2004 |publisher=Berghahn Books |isbn=978-1-78238-973-6 |page=15 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=sxPdCwAAQBAJ&pg=PA15 |access-date=20 June 2020 |language=en |archive-date=26 July 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200726053810/https://books.google.com/books?id=sxPdCwAAQBAJ&pg=PA15 |url-status=live }}
• Dwight MacDonald
• Mary McCarthy
• Claude McKayChristopher Phelps, [http://newpol.org/content/socialism-and-sex-introduction "On Socialism and Sex: An Introduction"], {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180523095449/http://newpol.org/content/socialism-and-sex-introduction |date=23 May 2018 }}, New Politics Summer 2008 Vol:XII-1, Whole #: 45
• Maurice Merleau-Ponty
• Mikhail Gorbachev
• Maurice Nadeau
• Pierre Naville
• The New York Intellectuals{{cite book |last1=Wald |first1=Alan M. |title=The New York Intellectuals: The Rise and Decline of the Anti-Stalinist Left from the 1930s to the 1980s |date=1987 |publisher=UNC Press Books |isbn=978-0-8078-4169-3 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=mzlsL5s0GXYC |access-date=12 June 2020 |language=en |archive-date=13 March 2017 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20170313141849/https://books.google.com/books?id=mzlsL5s0GXYC |url-status=live }}
• George Orwell{{cite magazine |last1=Menand |first1=Louis |title=Honest, Decent, Wrong |url=https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2003/01/27/honest-decent-wrong |magazine=The New Yorker |date=20 January 2003 |access-date=7 December 2020 |archive-date=20 December 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20201220083307/http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2003/01/27/honest-decent-wrong |url-status=live }}
• Benjamin Péret{{cite book |last1=Dulles |first1=John W. F. |author-link1=John W. F. Dulles |title=Brazilian Communism, 1935–1945: Repression During World Upheaval |date=2011 |publisher=University of Texas Press |isbn=978-0-292-72951-3 |page=135 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=qbXJDAAAQBAJ&pg=PA135 |access-date=20 June 2020 |language=en |archive-date=11 July 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200711034740/https://books.google.com/books?id=qbXJDAAAQBAJ&pg=PA135 |url-status=live }}{{cite book |last1=Collins |first1=Cath |title=Post-Transitional Justice: Human Rights Trials in Chile and El Salvador |date=2010 |publisher=Penn State Press |isbn=978-0-271-03688-5 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=M-_kuLOvxf4C&pg=PA205 |access-date=20 June 2020 |language=en |page=205 |archive-date=26 July 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200726054224/https://books.google.com/books?id=M-_kuLOvxf4C&pg=PA205 |url-status=live }}
• Henry Poulaille{{cite book |last1=Chapman |first1=Rosemary |title=Henry Poulaille and Proletarian Literature 1920–1939 |date=1992 |publisher=Rodopi |isbn=978-90-5183-324-9 |page=83 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=z0fUQEPsdQUC&pg=PA83 |access-date=22 June 2020 |language=en |archive-date=9 July 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200709012637/https://books.google.com/books?id=z0fUQEPsdQUC&pg=PA83 |url-status=live }}{{cite book |last1=Berry |first1=David |title=A History of the French Anarchist Movement, 1917–1945 |date=2002 |publisher=Greenwood Press |isbn=978-0-313-32026-2 |page=168 |language=en}}
• David Rousset
• Jean-Paul Sartre{{cite book |last1=Fulton |first1=Ann |title=Apostles of Sartre: Existentialism in America, 1945–1963 |date=1999 |publisher=Northwestern University Press |isbn=978-0-8101-1290-2 |page=9 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=guEKFhNsnJ8C&pg=PA9 |access-date=22 June 2020 |language=en |archive-date=26 July 2020 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200726064716/https://books.google.com/books?id=guEKFhNsnJ8C&pg=PA9 |url-status=live }}
• Josip Broz Tito
• Victor SergeSusan Weissman, [http://links.org.au/node/1228 "Victor Serge: 'dishonest authoritarian', 'anti-worker anarchist' or revolutionary Bolshevik?"] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20180513023148/http://links.org.au/node/1228 |date=13 May 2018 }}, Against the Current, issue 136, September–October 2008
• Ota Šik{{Cite book |title='Svoboda': The Press in Czechoslovakia 1968 |date=1969 |language=en |publisher=International Press Institute |page=36 |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=U7tIMOAdaTIC |quote=propagated the anti-Stalin ideas of other personalities, such as those of Professor Ota Sik }}
• I. F. Stone
• Imre Nagy
• Carlo Tresca{{cite book | last=Pernicone | first=Nunzio | title=Carlo Tresca | chapter=Taking on the Stalinists | publisher=Palgrave Macmillan US | publication-place=New York | year=2005 | isbn=978-1-349-52834-9 | doi=10.1057/9781403981097_21 | pages=227–236}}

{{div col end}}

{{div col|colwidth=20em}}

• Anti-Leninism
• {{format link|Anti-communism#Left-wing anti-communism}}
• De-Stalinization
• Eurocommunism
• Fourth International
• Harvill Secker
• Joseph Stalin's cult of personality
• Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee
• Korets–Landau leaflet
• Left Opposition
• Left-wing uprisings against the Bolsheviks
• Lenin's testament
• Libertarian socialism
• New Left
• Red fascism
• Socialist democracy
• Tankie – pejorative term used by anti-authoritarian socialists
• The God That Failed
• The Stalinist Legacy
• The Stalin School of Falsification
• United Opposition (Soviet Union)

{{div col end}}

{{Reflist}}

• Ian Birchall. Sartre Against Stalinism. Berghahn Books. (See [http://www.socialistreview.org.uk/article.php?articlenumber=9032 review] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20130801084049/http://www.socialistreview.org.uk/article.php?articlenumber=9032 |date=1 August 2013 }}.)
• {{cite journal | last=Hyslop | first=Jonathan | title=German seafarers, anti-fascism and the anti-Stalinist left: the 'Antwerp Group' and Edo Fimmen's International Transport Workers' Federation, 1933–40 | journal=Global Networks | publisher=Wiley | volume=19 | issue=4 | date=2018-08-11 | issn=1470-2266 | doi=10.1111/glob.12212 | pages=499–520| s2cid=150336580 | hdl=2263/66792 | hdl-access=free }}
• Julius Jacobson, [https://web.archive.org/web/20180523095343/http://nova.wpunj.edu/newpolitics/issue23/jjacob23.htm "The Russian Question And American Socialism"], New Politics, vol. 6, no. 3 (new series), whole no. 23, Summer 1997
• Alan Johnson, [https://web.archive.org/web/20180523095522/http://nova.wpunj.edu/newpolitics/issue31/johnso31.htm "The Cultural Cold War: Faust Not the Pied Piper"], New Politics, vol. 8, no. 3 (new series), whole no. 31, Summer 2001
• David Renton, [https://web.archive.org/web/20070208011512/http://dkrenton.co.uk/books/dissident.html Dissident Marxism] 2004 Zed Books {{ISBN|1-84277-293-7}}
• Boris Souvarine, [http://www.marxists.org/history/etol/writers/souvar/works/stalin/index.htm Stalin], 1935
• Frances Stonor Saunders, Who Paid the Piper?: CIA and the Cultural Cold War, 1999, Granta, {{ISBN|1-86207-029-6}} (USA: The Cultural Cold War: The CIA and the World of Arts and Letters, 2000, The New Press, {{ISBN|1-56584-596-X}}).
• Alan Wald The New York Intellectuals, The Rise and Decline of the Anti-Stalinist Left From the 1930s to the 1980s. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1987. 440 pp (See [http://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m1132/is_n6_v39/ai_6218895 review] by Paul LeBlanc)

• {{Commons category-inline}}

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{{New York Intellectuals}}

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