egophoricity

{{Short description|Linguistic encoding of personal knowledge}}

{{Grammatical categories}}

In linguistics, egophoricity refers to a grammatical category that marks one's personal involvement in an event.{{sfn | San Roque | Floyd | Norcliffe | 2018 | p=2}} In languages with this category, an egophoric form is used for expressing information to which the self has "privileged access"{{sfn | Hargreaves | 2005 | p=31}} as opposed to an allophoric (or non-egophoric) form.{{sfn | San Roque | Floyd | Norcliffe | 2018 | p=2}}{{sfn | Widmer | Zúñiga | 2017 | p=419}}

Egophoric forms are typically associated with first-person subject declarative sentences and second-person subject interrogative sentences (egophoric distribution).{{sfn | Rumsey | 2020}}

The concept of egophoricity was originally developed in descriptive studies on Tibeto-Burman languages spoken in the Himalayas such as Newar and Tibetan; however, the category has also been found in languages of Northwestern China, the Andean region, Caucasus, New Guinea, and elsewhere.{{sfn | San Roque | Floyd | Norcliffe | 2018 | pp=5-6}}

Terminology

"Ego-" refers to "self" and "-phor" means "to carry".{{sfn | San Roque | Floyd | Norcliffe | 2018 | p=7}}

The term "egophoric" was coined by French linguist Nicolas Tournadre in his description of Lhasa Tibetan{{sfn | San Roque | Floyd | Norcliffe | 2018 | p=7}}{{sfn | Tournadre | 1991}}{{sfn | Tournadre | 2017 | p=110}} although his former supervisor Claude Hagège had used "égophore" in a different sense prior to that.{{sfn | Tournadre | 2017 | p=110}}{{sfn | Hagège | 1982}}

Before "egophoricity" came into use in the literature, linguists often referred to the same phenomenon by the term conjunct and disjunct forms.{{sfn|DeLancey|1990|p=295}}{{sfn|DeLancey|2018|p=583}} The distinction between conjunct/disjunct was first made in Austin Hale's work on Kathmandu Newar.{{sfn | Hale | 1980}}{{sfn | Hill | Gawne | 2017 | pp=8-9}}

Overview

= The egophoric distribution =

Usually, the marking of egophoricity is correlated with grammatical person and sentence types: egophoric forms typically occur with the first-person subject in declarative sentences and the second-person subject in questions. By contrast, non-egophoric forms will appear in the other contexts. This pattern is called egophoric distribution.{{sfn | Rumsey | 2020}}{{sfn | Widmer | Zúñiga | 2017 | p=420}}{{sfn | San Roque | Floyd | Norcliffe | 2018 | pp=4-5}}

class="wikitable"

|+ Typical distribution of (non-)egophoric markers.

!

! Declarative

! Interrogative

1st person

| {{Smallcaps|ego}} || {{Smallcaps|non-ego}}

2nd person

| {{Smallcaps|non-ego}} || {{Smallcaps|ego}}

3rd person

| {{Smallcaps|non-ego}}|| {{Smallcaps|non-ego}}

Unlike person agreement, however, the use of (non-)egophoric forms may not follow it under certain semantic or pragmatic situations.

=The case of Kathmandu Newar=

Kathmandu Newar, a Tibeto-Burman language spoken in the capital of Nepal, has two past tense makers for verbs: the egophoric {{lang|new|-ā}} and the non-egophoric {{lang|new|-a}}. The former is normally used in first-person declaratives and second-person questions whereas the latter is applied to the other sentences:{{sfn | Hale | 1980 | p=91}}{{sfn | Hargreaves | 2005 | p=12}}

EGO:egophoric

{{interlinear |lang=new |indent=3

|Ji ana wanā.

|1.SG.ABS there go.PST.EGO

|"I went there."

}}

{{interlinear |lang=new |indent=3

|Cha ana wana.

|2.SG.ABS there go.PST.NEGO

|"You went there."

}}

{{interlinear |lang=new |indent=3

|Wa ana wana.

|3.SG.ABS there go.PST.NEGO

|"He went there."

}}

{{interlinear |lang=new |indent=3

|Cha ana wanā lā?

|2.SG.ABS there go.PST.EGO Q

|"Did you go there?"

}}

If the verb describes an unintentional action, however, the non-egophoric past tense marker will appear in first-person declaratives and second-person questions as well:{{sfn | Hale | 1980 | p=96}}

{{interlinear |lang=new |indent=3

|Jįį lā palā.

|1.SG.ERG meat cut.PST.EGO

|"I cut the meat (intentionally)."

}}

{{interlinear |lang=new |indent=3

|Cha danā lā?

|2.SG.ABS get-up.PST.EGO Q

|"Did you get up (voluntarily)?"

}}

{{interlinear |lang=new |indent=3

|Jįį lā pala.

|1.SG.ERG meat cut.PST.NEGO

|"I cut the meat (quite by accident)."

}}

{{interlinear |lang=new |indent=3

|Cha dana lā?

|2.SG.ABS get-up.PST.NEGO Q

| "Did you get up (involuntarily)?"

}}

While the third person subject usually takes the non-egophoric marker both in declaratives and interrogatives, the egophoric counterpart will be used in indirect speech if the main and subordinate clauses share the same subject:{{sfn | Hale | 1980 | p=95}}

{{interlinear |lang=new |indent=3

|Wа̨а̨ wa ana wanā dhakāā dhāla.

|3.SG.ERG 3.SG.ABS there go.PST.EGO QUOT say.PST.NEGO

| "He said that he went there (himself)."

}}

{{interlinear |lang=new |indent=3

|Wа̨а̨ wa ana wana dhakāā dhāla.

|3.SG.ERG 3.SG.ABS there go.PST.NEGO QUOT say.PST.NEGO

| "He said that he (someone else) went there."

}}

=The case of Lhasa Tibetan=

Lhasa Tibetan, another Tibeto-Burman language, has a system of verb endings that express evidentiality and/or egophoricity.{{sfn|DeLancey|2018|p=587}}

class="wikitable"
rowspan="2" |

! rowspan="2" | Egophoric

! rowspan="2" | Factual
(non-egophoric)

! colspan="2" | Evidential

Direct

! Inferential

Perfective

| {{lang|bo

pa yin}}

| {{lang|bo

pa red}}

| {{lang|bo

song}}

| rowspan="2" | {{lang|bo

zhag}}
Perfect

| {{lang|bo

yod}}

| {{lang|bo

yog red}}

| {{lang|bo

‘dug}}
Imperfective

| {{lang|bo

gi yod}}

| {{lang|bo

gi yog red}}

| colspan="2" | {{lang|bo

gi ’dug / -gis}}
Future

| {{lang|bo

gi yin}}

| colspan="3" | {{lang|bo

gi red}}

In a nominal construction, the egophoric copulae (e.g. {{lang|bo|yin}}) and the non-egophoric ones (e.g. {{lang|bo|red}}) are used in accordance with the egophoric distribution:{{sfn|DeLancey|1990|p=295}}{{sfn|Hill|Gawne|2017|pp=11-12}}

{{interlinear |lang=bo |indent=3

|nga bod{{=}}pa yin

|1.SG Tibetan COP.EGO

|"I am Tibetan."

}}

{{interlinear |lang=bo |indent=3

|kho bod{{=}}pa red

|3.SG Tibetan COP.NEGO

|"He is Tibetan."

}}

{{interlinear |lang=bo |indent=3

|khyed{{=}}rang bod{{=}}pa yin pas

|2.SG.HON Tibetan COP.EGO Q

|"Are you Tibetan?"

}}

{{interlinear |lang=bo |indent=3

|nga rgya{{=}}mi red pas

|1.SG Chinese COP.NEGO Q

|"Am I Chinese?"

}}

However, the distinction between yin and red may also be made according to voluntariness of an action as in Kathmandu Newar.{{sfn|DeLancey|1990|p=300}}{{sfn|Hill|Gawne|2017|p=12}} Likewise, the third-person subject in indirect speech is marked by an egophoric marker if it is co-referential with the subject of the main clause.{{sfn|Hill|Gawne|2017|p=12}}{{sfn|DeLancey|1990|pp=295-296}}

Also, the third-person subject takes an egophoric marker when the speaker emphasizes their personal involvement in the information conveyed in the statement.

:{{sfn|Hill|Gawne|2017|pp=15-16}}

{{interlinear |lang=bo |indent=3

|kho nga’i bu red

|3.SG 1.SG.GEN son COP.NEGO

|"He is my son." (e.g. answering "who is he?")

}}

{{interlinear |lang=bo |indent=3

|kho nga’i bu yin

|3.SG 1.SG.GEN son COP.EGO

|"He is my son." (e.g. answering "whose son is he?")

}}

Interaction with other categories

=Evidentiality=

In a language like Lhasa Tibetan, egophoricity is part of its evidential system as the egophoric copula occupies the same slot as the allophoric and the evidential. This is not the case for languages such as Kathmandu Newar, where the two categories are

expressed separately.{{sfn|Widmer|2020}}

=Mirativity=

Languages like Akha have paradigmatic structure of mirative and egophoric marking, which suggests both categories can interact with each other.{{sfn | San Roque | Floyd | Norcliffe | 2018 | p=61}}

=Person=

Few languages deploy grammatical person and egophoric marking at the same time.{{sfn | San Roque | Floyd | Norcliffe | 2018 | p=39}} Still, cohabitation of both categories is reported in Japhug, a Rgyalrongic language of Sichuan.{{sfn | Jacques | 2019}}

Geographical Distribution

=Himalayas and Western China=

Aside from Newar and Tibetic, egophoricity is attested in Tibeto-Burman languages like Galo (Tani), Japhug (Rgyalrongic), Bunan, Kurtöp (East Bodish), and Yongning Na (Naic) as well.{{sfn | San Roque | Floyd | Norcliffe | 2018 | pp=36-37}} Akha (Loloish) has developed egophoric marking independently of the other branches of the family.{{sfn | Egerod | 1985 | pp=102-104}}{{sfn | San Roque | Floyd | Norcliffe | 2018 | p=12}}

Outside of Tibeto-Burman, some languages spoken in Northwestern China such as Salar (Turkic), Mongour (Mongolic) and Wutun developed egophoricity due to contact with Amdo Tibetan.{{sfn | San Roque | Floyd | Norcliffe | 2018 | pp=36-37}}{{sfn | Sandman | 2018 | pp=173-174}}

{{See also|Qinghai–Gansu sprachbund}}

=Other areas=

Northern Akhvakh (Northeast Caucasian) marks egophoricity to some extent.{{sfn | San Roque | Floyd | Norcliffe | 2018 | p=38}} In South America, Barbacoan languages such as Awa Pit and Cha’palaa exhibit an egophoric system similar to that of Tibeto-Burman.{{sfn | San Roque | Floyd | Norcliffe | 2018 | pp=39-40}}

Tournadre and LaPolla (2014) compare the Japanese desiderative suffix {{lang|ja|-tai}} to an egophoric marker in languages like Tibetan, as they follow the egophoric distribution.{{sfn | Tournadre | LaPolla | 2014 | p=244}} In Japanese, {{lang|ja|-tai}} as well as adjectives describing one's inner experience (such as "glad", "itchy") cannot be used for the third-person without the support of the suffix {{lang|ja|-garu}} or some evidential markers.{{sfn | Shimotori | 2008 | p=141}}

{{interlinear |lang=ja |indent=3

|*Kare wa ureshii.

|he TOP glad

|"He is glad."

}}

{{interlinear |lang=ja |indent=3

|Kare wa ureshi-garu.

|he TOP glad

|"He is glad."

}}

{{interlinear |lang=ja |indent=3

|Kare wa ureshi-souda.

|he TOP glad

|"He looks glad."

}}

See also

References

{{Reflist|20em}}

Bibliography

  • {{cite journal | last=DeLancey | first=Scott | title=Ergativity and the cognitive model of event structure in Lhasa Tibetan | journal=Cognitive Linguistics| volume=1 | issue=3 | year=1990 | issn=0936-5907 | doi=10.1515/cogl.1990.1.3.289 | pages=289–322| s2cid=143931344 }}
  • {{cite book | last=DeLancey | first=Scott | title=The Oxford Handbook of Evidentiality | chapter=Evidentiality in Tibetic | editor=Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald |publisher=Oxford University Press | date=2018 | pages=580–594 | isbn=978-0-19-875951-5 | doi=10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198759515.013.27}}
  • {{cite book | last=Egerod | first=Søren | chapter=Typological features in Akha | publisher=Pacific Linguistics | publication-place=Canberra |doi=10.15144/PL-C87.96 | url=http://sealang.net/archives/pl/pdf/PL-C87.96.pdf | title=Linguistics of the Sino-Tibetan area: The state of the art. Papers presented to Paul K. Benedict for his 71st birthday., C-87 | pages=96–104 |date=1985}}
  • {{cite book | last=Hagège | first=Claude | title=La structure des langues, Que sais-je? | publication-place=Paris | publisher=Presses Universitaires de France | date=1982 | pages=95–106}}
  • {{cite book | last=Hale | first=Austin | chapter=Person markers: Finite conjunct and disjunct verb forms in Newari | title=Papers in South-East Asian linguistics, Vol. 7 | publication-place=Canberra | publisher=Australian National University | date=1980 | pages=95–106}}
  • {{cite journal | last=Hargreaves | first=David | title=Agency and Intentional Action in Kathmandu Newar | journal=Himalayan Linguistics |volume=5 | pages=1–48 | year=2005 | issn=1544-7502 | doi=10.5070/h95022977| doi-access=free }}
  • {{cite book | last1=Hill | first1=Nathan W. | last2=Gawne | first2=Lauren | title=Evidential Systems of Tibetan Languages | editor=Lauren Gawne and Nathan W. Hill| chapter=The contribution of Tibetan languages to the study of evidentiality | publisher=De Gruyter | date=2017 | pages=1–38 | isbn=978-3-11-047374-2 | doi=10.1515/9783110473742-001 | chapter-url=https://eprints.soas.ac.uk/23842/1/Hill%20ch%202017%20Gawne%20contribution.pdf }}
  • {{cite journal | last=Jacques | first=Guillaume | title=Egophoric marking and person indexation in Japhug | journal=Language and Linguistics | date=2019 | issn=1606-822X | doi=10.1075/lali.00047.jac | pages=515–534| doi-access=free }}
  • {{cite book | last=Rumsey | first=Alan | chapter=Egophoricity, engagement, and the centring of subjectivity | title=Evidentiality, egophoricity, and engagement | editor=Henrik Bergqvist and Seppo Kittilä | publisher=Language Science Press |year=2020 | pages=61–93 | hdl=1885/217457 | url=http://hdl.handle.net/1885/217457}}
  • {{cite book | last1=San Roque | first1=Lila | last2=Floyd | first2=Simeon | last3=Norcliffe | first3=Elisabeth | title=Egophoricity | editor1=Simeon Floyd |editor2=Elisabeth Norcliffe |editor3=Lila San Roque | chapter=Egophoricity: An introduction | publisher=John Benjamins Publishing Company | publication-place=Amsterdam | date=2018 | pages=1–78 | isbn=978-90-272-0699-2 | issn=0167-7373 | doi=10.1075/tsl.118.01san}}
  • {{cite book | last=Sandman | first=Erika | title=Egophoricity | chapter=Egophoricity in Wutun | publisher=John Benjamins Publishing Company | publication-place=Amsterdam | date=2018 | pages=173–196

| issn=0167-7373 | doi=10.1075/tsl.118.06san}}

  • {{cite journal | last=Shimotori | first=Misuzu | title=Emotion, perceptions and desires of a third person: An ethnogrammatical study of the –garu structure in Japanese | journal=Bulletin of the Transilvania University of Brasov, Series IV. | date=2008 | volume=1 | number=50 | pages=139–144}}
  • {{cite journal | last=Tournadre | first=Nicolas | title=The rhetorical use of the Tibetan ergative | journal=Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area | volume=14 | issue=1 | date=1991 | pages=93–108| doi=10.32655/LTBA.14.1.04 }}
  • {{cite book | last=Tournadre | first=Nicolas | title=Evidential Systems of Tibetan Languages | chapter=A typological sketch of evidential/epistemic categories in the Tibetic languages | editor=Lauren Gawne and Nathan W. Hill| publisher=De Gruyter | year=2017| pages=95–130 | isbn=978-3-11-047374-2 | doi=10.1515/9783110473742-004}}
  • {{cite journal | last1=Tournadre | first1=Nicolas | last2=LaPolla | first2=Randy J. | title=Towards a new approach to evidentiality | journal=Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area | volume=37 | issue=2 | date=2014 | issn=0731-3500 | doi=10.1075/ltba.37.2.04tou | pages=240–263| hdl=10356/145731 | hdl-access=free }}
  • {{cite journal | last1=Widmer | first1=Manuel | last2=Zúñiga | first2=Fernando | title=Egophoricity, Involvement, and Semantic Roles in Tibeto-Burman Languages | journal=Open Linguistics | volume=3 | issue=1 | year=2017 | pages=419–441 | issn=2300-9969 | doi=10.1515/opli-2017-0021| s2cid=149183324 | doi-access=free }}
  • {{cite book |first=Manuel|last=Widmer|year=2020|chapter=Same same but different: On the relationship between ego- phoricity and evidentiality|editor=Henrik Bergqvist & Seppo Kittilä|title=Evidentiality, egophoricity, and engagement|pages=263–287|location=Berlin|publisher=Language Science Press|doi=10.5281/zenodo.3975811}}

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