Freemasonry in Cuba

The Flag of Cuba was conceived in 1849 by exiled Cuban Freemasons{{Cite web |last=ATKINSON |first=EUGENE E. |date=January 29, 1962 |title=HISTORY OF THE CUBAN FLAG |url=https://www.latinamericanstudies.org/freemasonry/History-Cuban-Flag.pdf |website=LatinAmericanStudies |publisher=TRANSACTIONS THE AMERICAN LODGE OF RESEARCH}} in New York City, under the leadership of General Narciso López.{{Cite web |last=Couceiro Rodríguez |first=Avelino Víctor |title=That Cuban Flag… The Original |url=https://letras-uruguay.espaciolatino.com/aaa/couceiro_rodriguez_avelino/that_cuban_flag_the_original.htm |access-date=2025-04-14 |website=letras-uruguay.espaciolatino.com}} A former Spanish military officer and Freemason, López sought Cuban independence and collaborated with fellow Masons Miguel Teurbe Tolón and Cirilo Villaverde to design a flag that reflected both national aspirations and Masonic symbolism.

File:Flag of Cuba (construction sheet).svg

The flag’s design incorporates core Masonic elements: the equilateral triangle—representing equality and the Masonic trinity{{Cite web |last=Co-Freemasonry |first=Masonic Order of Universal |title=The Trinity: Divine Pattern of the Universe and Foundation of Freemasonry {{!}} Masonic Articles |url=https://www.universalfreemasonry.org/en/article/the-trinity-divine-pattern-of-the-universe-and-foundation-of-freemasonry |access-date=2025-04-11 |website=Universal Co-Masonry |language=en}} of liberty, fraternity, and faith in God—and the five-pointed star, a Masonic symbol of fellowship and guidance. This trinity is also reminiscent of the Eye of Providence. The three blue stripes signify Cuba's colonial military divisions, separated by white for purity and justice. Red symbolizes the blood shed for freedom. The three blue stripes also represent the first three degrees of the Blue Lodge, or symbolic masonry, the most common practice of Freemasonry in Cuba.{{Cite web |title=Cuba |url=https://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/cuba/flag.htm |access-date=2025-04-14 |website=www.globalsecurity.org}}

File:Cuban_Flag_Masonic_origins.png

The first flag was sewn by Emilia Casanova de Villaverde, often referred to as the “Betsy Ross of Cuba,” under the guidance and direction of Marta Abreu, the "Patroness of Cuba."{{Cite web |last=Online |first=Libre |date=2023-11-21 |title=MARTA ABREU |url=https://libreonline.com/marta-abreu/ |access-date=2025-03-27 |website=Libre Online |language=es}} It was first flown publicly in New York on May 11, 1850, and later carried by López during failed liberation expeditions in Cuba.

Freemasons continued to play key roles in Cuban independence. Carlos Manuel de Céspedes, a Mason and leader of the 1868 uprising, revived López’s flag as a revolutionary standard. The flag ultimately became the national emblem upon the Republic of Cuba’s founding in 1902, raised over Havana’s Morro Castle by another Freemason, Narciso Valdés.

Miguel Teurbe Tolón, who took part in designing the Cuban flag, also conceived and designed the Cuban National Coat of Arms. It reflects the visual and ideological influence of the Grand Lodge of Colón and incorporates Masonic symbolism.{{Cite web |date=February 26, 1955 |title=Gran Logia de Cuba, BOLETIN INFORMATIVO |url=https://www.latinamericanstudies.org/freemasonry/Boletin-Masonico-1955.pdf |website=LatinAmericanStudies}}

File:Coat of arms of Cuba (1902-1959).svg

The very structure of the shield, with its pointed, oval shape and division into three sections, reflects Masonic heraldic styles. At the top portion of the shield, the rising sun is a powerful Masonic emblem, representing light, wisdom, and new beginnings. In Masonic lodges, the sun rising in the East (or Orient) is symbolic of enlightenment and spiritual awakening.{{Cite web |title=Masonic Encyclopedia Entry On Rising Sun |url=https://masonicshop.com/encyclopedia/topics/entry/?i=1939 |access-date=2025-04-14 |website=masonicshop.com}} Just beneath the sun sits a golden key, identifying Cuba as the "key to the Gulf of Mexico." The land masses are from left to right, Cape Sable, Florida and Cape Catoche, Mexico.{{Cite web |title=Flag and the Coat of Arms |url=https://www.juanperez.com/history/flag.html |access-date=2025-04-14 |website=www.juanperez.com}} In Masonic terms, a key often represents initiation, the unlocking of esoteric knowledge, or access to sacred truths.{{Cite web |title=Masonic Encyclopedia Entry On Key |url=https://masonicshop.com/encyclopedia/topics/entry/?i=3153#:~:text=In%20many%20of%20the%20German,of%20Freemasonry%20in%20his%20heart. |access-date=2025-04-14 |website=masonicshop.com}}

File:Coat_of_arms_of_Cuba_and_Eye_of_Providence.png

Crowning the shield is a Phrygian cap, a classical emblem of liberty and republicanism widely adopted by Enlightenment thinkers and revolutionary movements.{{Cite web |title=The Phrygian Cap: History, Symbolism & Origins Of The Ancient Headwear {{!}} HistoryExtra |url=https://www.historyextra.com/period/ancient-history/phrygian-cap-history/ |access-date=2025-04-14 |website=www.historyextra.com |language=en}} However, this cap specifically calls back to direct influence of the French and Haitian Republican Freemasons who established the first non-military lodge in Cuba: Le Temple des Vertus Théologales.{{Cite journal |last=Torres-Cuevas |first=Eduardo |date=2013-10-01 |title=The Complicated Origins of Cuban Masonry: The Temple of the Theological Virtues |url=https://revistas.ucr.ac.cr/index.php/rehmlac/article/view/22545/22690 |journal=REHMLAC+, Revista de Estudios Históricos de la Masonería Latinoamericana y Caribeña plus |language=en |pages=104–113 |issn=2215-6097}} In those French Masonic lodges, the Phrygian cap represented liberty and a rejection of the old regime. The cap's placement on a fasces, a Roman symbol of unity and authority through collective strength, reinforces values long upheld by Freemasons, such as order, republican governance, and fraternity.

Flanking the shield are two branches: bay laurel on the left, symbolizing glory and triumph, and oak on the right, representing strength, endurance, and virtue. These natural symbols also have long-standing Masonic connotations, often used to evoke moral excellence and spiritual perseverance.

Pedro "Perucho" Figueredo, a Freemason and orator of the Redención Lodge, composed the Cuban national anthem. He famously wrote its lyrics while mounted on horseback shortly before battle, uniting music and patriotism with Masonic values.

The Cuban national anthem, originally titled La Bayamesa. This anthem, both in its composition and symbolic legacy, is deeply rooted in the events surrounding the independence movement of the 19th century.{{Cite web |last=Pardo |first=Gustavo E. |date=2011-10-20 |title=Los masones y La Bayamesa |url=https://www.cubanet.org/los-masones-y-la-bayamesa/ |access-date=2025-04-14 |website=Cubanet |language=es}}

The origins of La Bayamesa trace back to 1867, a period of mounting frustration among Cuban Creoles following the failure of the Junta de Información—a delegation that had sought peaceful economic reforms and commercial concessions from Spain. The perceived futility of these efforts led many to conclude that the only viable path forward was full political separation through armed insurrection.

At that time, the city of Bayamo was home to the Masonic lodge Estrella Tropical No. 19, which operated under the jurisdiction of the Gran Oriente de Cuba y las Antillas (GOCA). Among its notable members were Francisco Vicente Aguilera, {{Interlanguage link|Francisco Maceo Osorio|ES}}, and Figueredo — all key figures in the early independence movement.

On the night of August 13, 1867, these three men gathered at the home of Perucho Figueredo to establish a Revolutionary Committee to plan the uprising against Spanish colonial rule. At the conclusion of the meeting, Osorio reportedly said to Figueredo:

"Now it is your turn, as a musician, to compose our Marseillaise."

File:Grand_Lodge_of_Cuba.gifThe Masonic historian and Author Ray Denslow wrote in the year 1955 that:

"For more than a century, in Cuba, to be a Freemason was to be a martyr; in fact being a Freemason in any Latin American country in times past, or even at the present time, requires a great amount of that Masonic virtue known as Fortitude, for many a Freemason has given up his life in the defense of principles.{{Cite web |last=Denslow |first=Ray V. |date=1955 |title=Freemasonry in the Western Hemisphere |url=https://www.latinamericanstudies.org/freemasonry/Freemasonry-Cuba-Denslow-1953.pdf |website=LatinAmericanStudies}}

The story of Freemasonry on the Island of Cuba is filled with these stories of persecution, of hardships, of strife between grand lodges, of contention between 'higher bodies' which sought to dominate grand lodges, and finally, the formation of a 'united' grand lodge which is today carrying on the traditions and customs of Freemasonry in a way which has caused it to secure recognition from practically all the Masonic world."

Between 1751 and 1754, the first known reference to Freemasonry in Cuba appears in the historical record. This information was documented by the German historian Joseph Gabriel Findel in his History of Freemasonry. According to Findel, during this period, the Grand Lodge of England appointed eight provincial Grand Masters across various territories, one of whom was designated for Cuba.{{Cite web |last=Cuevas |first=Eduardo Torres |date=April 2012 |title=Masonerías en Cuba durante el siglo XIX |url=https://www.researchgate.net/publication/277273825_Masonerias_en_Cuba_durante_el_siglo_XIX |website=ResearchGate |publisher=University of Costa Rica}} These appointments corresponded with strategic points of British imperial expansion or areas where the British Empire had notable economic or political interests. In Cuba’s case, this designation coincided with Britain’s preparations for the military capture of Havana, which took place in 1762 during the Seven Years’ War.

The first Freemasons arrived in Cuba in the year 1762, during the events surrounding the Siege of Havana. These were largely Irish and British members of the British Armed Forces, members of the Premier Grand Lodge of England, and the military lodges of that country.

In 1762, during the British occupation of Havana, a regiment of soldiers was stationed in the city. Among them was the DeWebb Regiment, commanded by Colonel Daniel Webb, Lieutenant Colonel Christopher Teesdale, and Major Robert Ross, part of the brigade commanded by General Hunt Walsh.{{Cite web |title=48th Regiment of Foot |url=https://canadianmilitaryproject.com/french-indian-wars/french-indian-muster/48th-regiment/ |access-date=2025-04-16 |website=Canadian Military Heritage Project |language=en-US}} The Grand Lodge of Ireland issued a warrant to the Freemasons affiliated with this regiment, establishing Lodge 218, which operated briefly during the occupation. This lodge is often referred to as the Regimental Lodge 218 and is believed to have ceased functioning when the regiment departed Cuba. No evidence exists that the British soldiers intiated any Cuban citizens during this time, despite widespread speculation, particularly because the mandate of their military lodge prevented them from doing so. Nevertheless, this episode marks Cuba as one of the earliest territories in Latin America considered for Masonic development under the English Masonic tradition.

The details of this Lodge's operation are scarce. Masonic tradition holds that the lodge met in the Convent of San Francisco, which at the time had been seized by the occupying British forces and used for military purposes. In the 2010's, Masonic carvings were found in the stonework of the Convent by the Cuban historian Eusebio Leal Spengler.

The Ars Quatuor Coronatorum (AQC), the transactions of the Quatuor Coronati Lodge 2076 in London, preserved a photograph of a rare Cuban Masonic document related to this lost lodge. Written on parchment measuring 8¾ inches by 8½ inches, the manuscript is sealed with red wax, bearing the impression of an arm holding a Mason’s trowel. Attached to the seal are two ribbons: a wider blue ribbon and a narrower yellow one.

Masonic historian Robert Freke Gould verified the existence of this lodge and examined the document. However, he noted that the officers listed on the certificate did not correspond to any known officials of the regiment. This discrepancy suggests that the lodge may have worked exclusively within the regiment, without engaging with the local civilian population. Gould also indicated that the warrant was granted in 1750, and that eleven members of the regiment were likely initiated during their stationing in Havana.File:Dominic Serres the Elder - The Capture of Havana, 1762- the Landing, 7th June.jpg in the Capture of Havana on the 7th of June, 1762]]

The document referenced in the AQC is a membership certificate, which reads:

“And the Darkness Comprehended it Not—

In the East, a place full of Light where reigns silence and peace. We, the Master, Wardens, and Secretary of the Worshipful Lodge of Free and Accepted Masons, dedicated to St. John, No. 218 on the Registry of Ireland, held in the Forty-Eighth Regiment of Foot (Ne Varietur), adorned with all their honors and assembled in due form,

Do hereby declare, certify, and attest to all enlightened men across the face of the Earth that the bearer hereof, Alexander Cockburn, has been received an Entered Apprentice and Fellow Craft, and after sufficient proof and trial, we have given unto him the sublime degree of Master. He may lawfully and safely, without any demur, be admitted into and accepted by any society to whom these presents come, greeting.

Given under our hands and seal at our Lodge Room at Havana, this 3rd day of May, in the year of our Lord 1763 and in the Year of Masonry 5763.”

Signed:

• William Smith, Master
• James Lee, Warden
• Richard Coombs, Warden
• Peter Tobin, Secretary

File:Baylot_Manuscript_book_plate.png is one of the most famous and most mysterious manuscripts in Freemasonry. This book plate is suspected to have been drawn by Étienne Morin.]]

The Grand Lodge of France extended its influence to the Caribbean in the mid-18th century. In the 1760's, the first recorded Masonic lodges appeared in the French colony of Saint-Domingue (now called Haiti), only about 20 to 25 miles from Cuba, and émigré Masons from these lodges helped establish Cuban Freemasonry.

However, in the mid-18th century, more than twenty significant Masonic organizations existed globally, many of which competed with one another. A prominent rivalry developed between the Grand Lodge of England and the Grand Orient of France. English Freemasonry aligned itself with the monarchy and the British Empire, whereas the Grand Orient of France embraced republican liberal ideals, encapsulated in the slogan of the French Revolution: Liberty, Equality, Fraternity.

Recognizing the strategic value of Freemasonry in France, Napoleon Bonaparte brought the Grand Orient under the control of his closest allies and military leaders. One of the central figures in the Napoleonic administration, Cambacérès, was appointed by the emperor to reorganize and lead French Freemasonry. This international tension between Masonic obediences also reflected a deeper ideological struggle: between English monarchical Masonry and French Bonapartist Masonry.

File:Phrygian hat-BHM 17589-P6141329-black.jpg of the French Revolution was adopted by the independence movement in Haiti, and especially the Freemasons there. This cap now appears on the Cuban Coat of Arms.]]

Some French Masonic groups adopted the Phrygian cap—a symbol of liberty and resistance to the ancien régime, later incorporated by various independence movements across the Americas. Metaphors like “breaking the chains of slavery,” common in French revolutionary rhetoric, resonated even more strongly in Haiti, where the metaphor took on a tangible and immediate reality. In contrast to France, where such phrases were largely symbolic, they reflected the lived experiences of enslaved people in Saint-Domingue (Haiti).

French Freemasonry itself was not a single movement, either. One of its more radical branches, the Rite of Perfection, emerged in the mid-18th century and diverged from the Grand Orient's more moderate positions. This rite was practiced by several lodges in Bordeaux and was used to initiate individuals from Saint-Domingue. Thus, the version of Freemasonry established in Haiti was based not on the Grand Orient of France but on the more progressive Rite of Perfection.

On August 27, 1761, the Rite of Perfection issued a patent to Étienne Morin,{{Cite web |date=2024-05-07 |title=Étienne Morin: From the French Rite to the Scottish Rite |url=https://westphaliapress.org/2024/05/07/etienne-morin-from-the-french-rite-to-the-scottish-rite/ |access-date=2025-04-16 |website=Westphalia Press |language=en}} appointing him Deputy Inspector for Saint-Domingue, with the explicit purpose of expanding Perfection Masonry throughout the Americas. Morin did not merely propagate existing practices—he also created new degrees and introduced innovations that ultimately contributed to the development of an entirely new Masonic system.

While Morin was traveling from London to Saint-Domingue, he was detained by the British, and was brought to Grand Master Earl Ferrars de Tamsworth in the West Indies – where he was summarily elevated to the rank of Masonic Proconsul and named "English Freemason for life."{{Cite journal |last=Wäges |first=Josef R. |date=Spring 2017 |title=Morin's Book Plate |url=https://www.academia.edu/33910198/Morins_Book_Plate |journal=The Plumbline: The Quarterly Bulletin of the Scottish Rite Research Society |volume=24 |issue=1 |page=5}} This is despite the fact that he had already possessed Letters Patent of his Authority from the "Grand Master and Protector of all Lodges His Royal Highness, and Very Illustrious Brother" Louis De Bourbon, Compte de Clermont, and also because he had spent two years in British prisons.

Long after Morin had settled into his role alongside Henry Andrew Francken, Perfection Masonry laid the groundwork for a network of lodges stretching from Haiti to Louisiana, via Cuba. During this process, the rite was adapted and enriched in response to local circumstances. In 1797, while Louisiana was still under French control, this tradition gave rise to eight new degrees, leading to the formation of what became the Ancient and Accepted Scottish Rite. Alongside the York Rite, it would become one of the most influential and widely practiced Masonic systems across the Americas.

After this, the next wave of Freemasons to arrive in Cuba were the French Haitians fleeing the Haitian Revolution of 1791, members of the French Masonic Lodges created by Morin. Around the year 1800, following the expulsion of Spanish and French forces from the islands of Saint-Domingue and Haiti, many of the displaced settlers, including several Freemasons, resettled in Cuba’s Oriente Province. These Freemasons had previously worked under charters that permitted Masonic activity solely on the island of Santo Domingo. Their arrival in Cuba marked the beginning of a new phase in the development of Cuban Freemasonry.

In Havana, two other lodges—originally known as L’Amitié and La Concorde Bienfaisante—also resumed work despite their charters being valid only for use in Saint-Domingue. These lodges adopted Spanish-language names: Amistad and Benéfica Concordia. Though they gave their names to two streets in Havana, little is known today about their internal operations.

According to historian Emanuel Rebold, Cuba in this era was one of the most extreme examples of Freemasonry being subjected to relentless persecution by the monarchy. Rebold notes:

"In no place except Cuba has Freemasonry faced such severe persecution as in this Catholic kingdom par excellence, persecution grounded in the bulls of Clement XII, Benedict XIV, and the edict of Cardinal Consalvi, all of which excommunicated Freemasons and imposed the harshest punishments, including death."

File:Joseph_Cerneau.jpg{{Cite web |date=2018-09-12 |title=Cerneau Rite |url=https://freemasonry.network/more_news/cerneau-rite/ |access-date=2025-04-14 |website=FREEMASONRY.network |language=en-US}}{{Cite web |title=What is Cerneauism? {{!}} Scottish Rite of Freemasonry, S.J., U.S.A. |url=https://scottishrite.org/scottish-rite-myths-and-facts/cerneauism/ |access-date=2025-04-14 |language=en-US}}]]

On December 17, 1804, Freemasons in Havana—including former members of the Saint-Domingue lodges and others affiliated with Pennsylvania Freemasonry—had obtained a charter from the Grand Lodge of Pennsylvania.{{Cite web |last1=CLEGG |first1=ROBERT INGHAM |last2=HUGHAN |first2=WILLIAM JAMES |date=1921 |title=Mackey's History of Freemasonry |url=https://www.latinamericanstudies.org/freemasonry/History-Freemasonry-Cuba-Mackey.pdf |website=LatinAmericanStudies |publisher=THE MASONIC HISTORY COMPANY}} These founding members of the lodge included Joseph Cerneau, Pierre Courroy and Pierre Bauschey. This allowed them to establish a new lodge in Havana under the name Le Temple des Vertus Théologales 103 (English: Temple of the Theological Virtues), marking one of the first Masonic lodges in Cuba officially recognized under an Anglo-American jurisdiction.

The charter of this lodge, which is preserved at the museum of Freemasonry at the National Temple in Havana, indicates that most of its founding members were French nationals who had migrated from Haiti. It also reveals that the lodge had been operating informally for two years before receiving formal recognition. Two important contextual details should be noted in relation to this lodge: first, its official establishment in Cuba coincided with the year Napoleonic forces invaded Haiti; second, by that point, the Grand Orient of France had already been brought under the control of Napoleon and aligned with his imperial objectives.

This political situation helps explain why the French Masons who had relocated from Haiti sought their charter not from the French or British Masonic authorities, but rather from a Masonic body in the United States—specifically, the Grand Lodge of Pennsylvania, which at that time was a prominent political hub. By affiliating with a North American lodge, the founders avoided subordination to either the Grand Orient of France or the United Grand Lodge of England.

The ideological character of this Cuban lodge reflected more moderate, republican ideals in the spirit of the Girondins or Lafayette, rather than Napoleon’s authoritarian vision. North American Freemasonry, including that of Louisiana – which was sold to the United States in the Louisiana Purchase of 1803 – tended to promote republican principles, a tendency that was also present in the evolving doctrines of the Ancient and Accepted Scottish Rite, which was still taking shape in the Americas. Interestingly, one of the strategies employed by Bonapartist Masons was to adopt this rite into the Grand Orient of France, allowing them to integrate some of its republican symbolism while maintaining imperial control.

Joseph Cerneau served as its first Grand Master.{{Cite web |date=2010-02-12 |title=Brief History of Cuba Freemasonry. |url=https://www.myfreemasonry.com/threads/brief-history-of-cuba-freemasonry.10450/ |access-date=2025-04-10 |website=My Freemasonry {{!}} Freemason Information and Discussion Forum |language=en-US}} Joseph Cerneau was born in 1763 in Villeblevin, France, and worked as a silversmith by trade. He later traveled to Havana, Cuba, where, by 1801, he had settled and become involved in Freemasonry. Cerneau attained all degrees of the Scottish Rite practiced at that time, culminating in the 25th degree, which was then the highest degree conferred. Due to political concerns tied to his French nationality and perceived revolutionary leanings, he was expelled from Cuba in 1806. Following his expulsion, Cerneau relocated to New York City, where he became instrumental in establishing a Scottish Rite body known as the Grand Consistory of the United States of America, creating an incredibly controversial Masonic movement in the process called "Cerneauism." He remained active in Masonic circles until his death in France in 1815.

Following the Peninsular War, Cuba’s colonial government ordered the expulsion of non-naturalized French refugees from Saint-Domingue. The authorities also ordered the closure of the lodges Concorde and Perseverancia in eastern Cuba. These two lodges later reappeared in New Orleans, Louisiana, operating under charters from the Grand Lodge of Pennsylvania. In 1812, they joined with other lodges to form the Grand Lodge of Louisiana. Over the following two decades, several additional lodges were chartered under Pennsylvania's authority:.

In 1809, one of the earliest separatist plots in Cuban history, the {{Interlanguage link|Rebellion of 1810|ES|Conspiración de 1810}}, emerged within the Temple of the Theological Virtues. This movement, often associated with Román de la Luz—a wealthy Havana landowner—is considered a foundational moment in the island’s independence aspirations. Other key members of the conspiracy included Manuel Ramírez, the lodge’s warden, and Captain Luis Francisco Bassave of the Regiment of Whites of Havana. Notably, the individuals involved were not only Freemasons but also included free Black and mixed-race Cubans.

The precise goals of the conspiracy remain unclear and continue to be a subject of scholarly debate. However, among its most significant participants was José Joaquín Infante, a lawyer from Bayamo and a member of the Spanish legal system in Cuba. He managed to escape arrest and later joined the independence efforts in Venezuela.

While in exile, Infante authored what is believed to be the first constitutional proposal for an independent Cuban republic. Likely drafted around 1810 and eventually published in Caracas in 1811, this document predated Spain’s own liberal Constitution of Cádiz. Infante’s text demonstrated influence from two key sources: the 1801 Haitian Constitution shaped by Toussaint Louverture, and Masonic principles associated with the Ancient and Accepted Scottish Rite. The constitution stood out for its forward-thinking concepts, particularly the advocacy for a secular state, the separation of powers, religious freedom, civil liberties, and popular sovereignty. These ideas would later become recurring features of Cuban constitutionalism, drawing a line between secular republican independence and reformist integration within the Spanish monarchy.

Captain Luis Francisco Bassave also drew attention from colonial authorities. Captain General Someruelos accused him of inciting enslaved and free Black and mulatto residents of Havana’s poorer districts. According to official reports, Bassave aimed to lead a rebellion that included the Milicias Disciplinadas de Pardos y Morenos and laborers from marginalized urban communities.

{{Main article|Aponte Rebellion}}

File:Aponte_Rebellion.jpg was a famous slave revolt in Cuba.]]

On March 16, 1812, an insurrection was launched under the leadership of José Antonio Aponte, a free Black carpenter. Aponte is remembered not only for his role in this uprising but also for his rumored participation in Black regiments aligned with American forces during the American Revolutionary War. He was reportedly connected to members of the Temple of the Theological Virtues lodge. Captured on April 7, Aponte was sentenced to death without trial and executed two days later. His decapitated head was displayed publicly in a metal cage at the entrance to Havana, near the road to Jesús del Monte, as a warning.

Following this failed uprising, Masonic activity in Cuba entered a period of suppression. Around 1814, active lodges, including the Temple of the Theological Virtues, were officially dissolved. That same year, King Ferdinand VII issued a royal decree via the Regency Council banning all Masonic organizations within the Spanish empire and classifying them as criminal entities.

Despite the prohibition, the Temple of the Theological Virtues continued operating in secrecy during the absolutist restoration. With the onset of the liberal Trienio Constitucional (1820–1823), when constitutional rights were briefly reinstated in Spain and its colonies, the lodge reemerged publicly in 1820.

File:Louis_de_Clouet_Cienfuegos.jpg. He was also a prominent Freemason who used the secret codename "d'Obernay."|left]]

In 1818, a French Freemason named Colonel {{Interlanguage link|Louis de Clouet|FR}} took up a second residence in Havana, Cuba. Louis de Clouet, a French colonial officer and key figure in the early development of Cienfuegos, Cuba, played a foundational role in introducing Freemasonry to the island during the early 19th century. Under the Masonic pseudonym d’Obernay, Clouet contributed to the creation of one of the earliest Masonic frameworks in Spanish Cuba: blending French Masonic traditions with emerging Caribbean and Latin American Masonic currents.{{Cite web |last=jdecauna |title=Lumières sur Cienfuegos - part. 3 (suite et fin) |url=http://jdecauna.over-blog.com/2019/02/lumieres-sur-cienfuegos-part.3-suite-et-fin.html |access-date=2025-04-15 |website=Le blog de Jacques de Cauna Chaire d'Haïti à Bordeaux |language=fr}} Clouet’s early work as d’Obernay was a pivotal moment in the creolization of Masonic practice and the formation of Cuba’s modern civic and fraternal culture.

The name d’Obernay, adopted by Clouet, refers to a small town in Alsace, France, and likely alludes to a figure he either knew or admired — Joseph de Glock, a controversial Freemason known for establishing high-degree Masonic lodges across the Caribbean and claiming authority from both French and English Masonic obediences. By adopting this symbolic name, Clouet aligned himself with a broader movement of Masonic independence and regional adaptation, reflecting the ideological and institutional shifts occurring throughout the Americas during and after the age of revolutions.

Clouet started an organization for high-ranking Freemasons. This group followed the Scottish Rite, a style of Freemasonry with 33 degrees, and was officially approved by the main French Masonic authority in 1819. His group was allowed to create new lodges, promote members, and spread Freemasonry in Cuba.

These lodges were part of what are called symbolic lodges, or "Blue Lodges," where the basic three levels of Freemasonry are practiced. They were overseen by an organization in Cuba called the Gran Oriente Simbólico de la Isla de Cuba (Symbolic Grand Orient of the Island of Cuba), sometimes called Nueva Tebayda.

Soon after this new Masonic structure was set up, the main French Masonic authority handed over its control of Cuba to the Spanish National Grand Orient. However, this Spanish group was a mess, with different factions fighting over who was in charge. Cuban Freemasons didn’t want to take orders from a divided Spanish organization—especially since many of them also wanted independence from Spain politically.

From De Clouet's group, a new Masonic authority grew in Havana, called the Territorial Grand Orient of Spanish-America. It had two parts: one for the symbolic lodges and another for the higher-degree members (up to the 32nd degree). Many members were Spanish military and navy officers. This organization claimed to oversee not just Cuba, but also lodges in Puerto Rico, Mexico, Florida, and even parts of the Caribbean like Haiti and the Dominican Republic.

On Saturday, April 15, 1820, news of the success of Rafael del Riego’s liberal constitutionalist movement in Spain reached Cuba. In response, Juan Manuel Cajigal was compelled to swear allegiance to the Spanish Constitution of 1812. This action was demanded by members of the Málaga and Cataluña regiments, Spanish troops stationed in Havana en route to suppress the Latin American independence movements. Shortly afterward, an influx of new Masonic lodges and non-Masonic secret societies emerged across the island, many of which adopted the structural and organizational models associated with Freemasonry.

Two primary Masonic bodies were officially constituted in Cuba in this era:

• The Grand Spanish Lodge of Ancient and Accepted Masons of York, or "Yorkists"
• The Grand Spanish American Territorial Orient of the Scottish Rite, or "Scotsists"

Although both rites adhered to the universal principles of Freemasonry, they each exhibited a distinct political dimension, particularly evident in the accompanying literature and ideological expressions rather than in the formal regulations of the lodges. Internal divisions within the Masonic community, as well as between Masonic lodges and politically driven societies, were rooted in the defense of competing visions for the future of society—visions that opposed the legacy of the Ancien Régime. These tensions extended beyond the shared framework of constitutionalist discourse.File:JRP-SoW, S.jpg introduced the York Rite to Cuba]]A key figure in promoting the York Rite in the region was Joel Roberts Poinsett, a diplomat and covert agent from the American government. Poinsett played an instrumental role in spreading this Masonic movement throughout Latin America and was present in Cuba at the time when the York Rite began gaining a foothold on the island. In a letter dated October 14, 1825, Poinsett explicitly acknowledged the political purpose of the York Rite, crediting it with advancing liberal reform. He wrote that he had encouraged and supported a group of respectable individuals in founding a Grand Lodge of York Freemasonry in Mexico to counteract the conservative or "fanatical" factions and to promote liberal governance.

The York Rite here was characterized by its Protestant, secular, and biblical influences. The Grand Spanish Lodge of Ancient and Accepted Masons of York was officially established on November 30, 1820. York Rite Freemasonry, as practiced in the Americas during this era, was heavily influenced by the United States, especially the state of Pennsylvania. Its rituals, doctrinal orientation, and leadership conveyed a distinctly liberal worldview, rooted in North American political thought rather than that of Spain. It was also marked by Protestant values and a critical stance toward Catholicism, especially in terms of the Church's ethical and social teachings. Ideologically aligned with North American republicanism, this Masonic body promoted the expansion of “the area of freedom.”

The Scottish Rite, in stark contrast, reflected a Latin and secular orientation but without overt anti-Catholic elements. Scottish Rite Freemasonry in Cuba was largely controlled by members of the local Creole elite – meaning mostly persons of combined French and Spanish ancestry (not to be confused with Criollo people, who also belonged to this movement). The leader of this movement was Count Alejandro O’Reilly, a powerful and wealthy landowner in Cuba. Among the most influential voices within the Scottish lodges was Nicolás de Escovedo, a devoted follower of Father Félix Varela, the priest and philosopher often credited with initiating the development of uniquely Cuban political and philosophical thought. While the York Rite was tied more closely to North American political goals and reformist ideals, the Scottish Rite maintained stronger connections to traditional landholding elites and intellectual circles on the island.

In addition to these Masonic organizations, several non-Masonic secret societies also became active during this period, often adopting Masonic-style frameworks. These included the; Comuneros, Carbonarios, Anilleros, Cadena Triangular, Soles, and Caballeros Racionales. While these groups varied in origin and function, they all reflected differing political ideologies and objectives, despite often being confused with actual Masonic lodges. Freemasonry, however, was distinguished from these politically motivated secret societies. Many of these groups adopted Masonic-like structures or symbols, often imitating the ritualistic and hierarchical elements of Freemasonry. This occurred in a historical context in which modern political parties had not yet formed in Cuba, and alternative modes of political and social organization were still emerging. Over time, such distinctions would become more defined.File:Cuba 2013-01-25 (8536554863).jpg|left]]By 1822, Freemasons in Cuba who followed the York Rite were operating independently. But those under the Scottish Rite still had to deal with Spanish interference. To break free from this and to stop the higher-ranking Scottish Rite group from taking over the basic lodges, the leaders of the symbolic lodges teamed up with the York Rite Masons. On November 7, 1822, they merged their organizations and created a new body called the Spanish Grand Lodge of the York Rite. They picked leaders by drawing lots, and by early 1823, they were overseeing 66 lodges.

This marked a high point for Freemasonry in Cuba. But the politics of the time got in the way. The Spanish king banned Freemasonry again in 1824, and the military governor of Cuba enforced this strictly. By January 1825, the new Grand Lodge had officially shut down.

By the mid-1820s, Cuban Freemasonry began to detach itself from both English and French control, leading to the creation of a national Grand Orient (reputedly in 1824) under the auspices of President Jean-Pierre Boyer in Haiti, influencing developments across the Caribbean.

For the next 30 years, Freemasonry in Cuba was mostly underground. Still, individual Cuban Masons, some of whom had joined lodges abroad, kept the spirit alive. In 1857, a new lodge called Prudencia was founded in Matanzas, with permission from a Masonic group in Louisiana. Around the same time, two other lodges were started in Santiago de Cuba under a Spanish Masonic authority based in Barcelona. Despite the constant crackdowns, they tried to keep Freemasonry going in Cuba.

File:Primero Soles y Rayos de Bolívar.svg

By the early 1820s, Freemasonry had established a significant presence in Cuba, with more than a dozen active lodges across the island. Most were chartered through Masonic authorities in cities like Philadelphia and New Orleans. Their names reflected a range of moral ideals and cultural aspirations—for example, lodges such as Temple of the Divine Shepherdess No. 11, Delights of Havana No. 157, Reward for Virtues No. 161, Rectitude No. 14, Fidelity of Havana No. 167, and True Philanthropy No. 181.{{Citation |last=Racine |first=Karen |title=Brothers in Arms: Freemasonry in Latin American Independence |date=2023 |work=The Cambridge Companion to Latin American Independence |pages=186–217 |editor-last=Soriano |editor-first=Cristina |url=https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/abs/cambridge-companion-to-latin-american-independence/brothers-in-arms/1C8D9043027E33DFC415B756720677A9#access-block |access-date=2025-04-15 |series=Cambridge Companions to History |place=Cambridge |publisher=Cambridge University Press |isbn=978-1-108-49227-0 |editor2-last=Echeverri |editor2-first=Marcela}}

Despite their diverse origins and philosophies, these lodges shared the contradictions of the colonial society in which they operated. The Cuban Grand Oriente, based in Havana, was careful not to appear sympathetic to rebellion or separatist efforts, especially during a time of economic expansion fueled by enslaved labor. In 1821, the Grand Lodge issued a reminder to its members affirming their duty to promote public order and to comply with the laws of the land, highlighting that their oaths as Freemasons bound them to such conduct.

One lodge pamphlet, produced on an in-house printing press run by enslaved workers, projected loyalty to colonial authorities. Drawing on a common Masonic analogy, the writer likened the publication to the construction of a symbolic monument honoring Havana’s city council members. Each member was described in brief poetic form, praised for their dedication to constitutional ideals. However, the tone became increasingly sycophantic—one exaggerated comparison claimed that a local official was unmatched in character among all the planets. In the final entry, supposedly about the city council secretary Francisco Sánchez del Prado, the anonymous author hinted that he himself might be the author. He criticized the ruling elite as unfit to govern, comparing them to a child recklessly wielding a razor while attempting to mimic adult appearance. The work concluded with a dedication to future historians of Cubanacán, an imagined Cuban republic envisioned by certain conspiratorial circles within the Masonic community.

File:Segundo Soles y Rayos de Bolívar Cubano.svg

The Masonic landscape in Cuba also reflected tensions between ethnic identities and competing international influences. While some Cuban lodges considered aligning with the Grand Orient of France, enticed by offers of lower dues and increased benefits, others sought independence by founding a native Grand Lodge in 1821, affiliated with the York Rite tradition connected to Philadelphia.

During this period, the Cuban Masonic community gradually adopted a more radical stance. A striking example appeared in April 1822, when a document signed by “The Philanthropist Manuel Bernardo Lorenzana” was published in the periodical El Esquife Constitucional. Encoded with typographic symbols recognizable to Masons, the text ended with the dramatic slogan, “Constitution or Death!”

Cuba also became a point of passage for prominent Latin American intellectuals and reformers. Figures such as Vicente Rocafuerte (Ecuador), Servando Teresa de Mier and Miguel Ramos Arizpe (Mexico), Manuel Lorenzo Vidaurre (Peru), and José Fernández de Madrid (Colombia) spent time on the island in the early 1820s. Many of them had links to Freemasonry and participated in the constitutional movements taking shape across the continent.

By 1823, Captain General Francisco Dionisio Vives was acutely aware of political instability in Spain, where liberal constitutionalists were being overthrown by absolutists. Although he received directives to allow broader political dialogue and civil association in Cuba, Vives declined to act. Ironically, while he cited concerns about possible unrest among the Black and mixed-race population, the real challenge came from white urban professionals who launched a clandestine independence movement named after their Masonic lodge: The Suns and Rays of Bolívar.

File:José_Francisco_Lemus.jpg was the leader of the Suns and Rays of Bolívar.]]

The movement’s leader, José Francisco Lemus, had previously served with Simón Bolívar’s forces in Colombia. Though Bolívar was focused on military campaigns in Peru at the time and had no direct contact with the Cuban conspirators, Lemus invoked his name and ideals to galvanize support. He proclaimed himself general of a nascent Cuban republic, dubbed the Republic of Cubanacán, and coordinated the movement through a network of Masonic lodges. The Revolution overall would come to be known as the {{Interlanguage link|Revolution of the Suns and Rays|ES|Conspiración de los Soles y Rayos de Bolívar}}.

Adherents used symbols and codes to recognize one another—such as feathered hats and color-coded sashes—and even incorporated cryptic punctuation in correspondence, including one 1821-dated letter (marked as "Anno Lucis 5821" in Masonic calendar style) sent from Havana to a lodge in Trinidad with accompanying revolutionary pamphlets.

The idea of Cuban independence had circulated for decades, but the relative freedom of the Trienio Liberal in Spain, combined with news of republican victories in the Americas, emboldened supporters. Masonic lodges served as hubs for spreading ideas, building networks, and attracting new sympathizers. The Suns and Rays of Bolívar had cells in cities such as Matanzas, Guanabacoa, and San Antonio.

Their support base consisted largely of white Cubans from the middle and professional classes, who nonetheless excluded enslaved people and free people of color from their vision of citizenship. Meanwhile, the white landowning elite reacted with alarm, warning that the conspiracy could lead to a slave rebellion similar to the Haitian Revolution—a deeply traumatic memory for French and Cuban slaveholders alike.

By the end of 1823, the movement collapsed. Informants—ranging from enslaved individuals to servants and lower-class citizens—reported conspirators to colonial authorities. The crackdown was severe: 602 people were arrested, 71 were fined between 100 and 3,000 pesos, and 29 were deported to prisons in Spain. In the aftermath, censorship intensified, police oversight expanded, and university curricula were purged as liberal faculty fled or were expelled.

Although ultimately unsuccessful, the Soles y Rayos de Bolívar conspiracy is recognized as one of the earliest large-scale efforts to challenge Spanish colonial rule in Cuba, deeply entwined with Masonic networks and republican ideals circulating across the Atlantic world.

During much of the 19th century, Cuban Freemasonry operated clandestinely due to legal restrictions imposed by Spanish colonial authorities. The Spanish Empire and the Monarchy of Spain at this time was highly affiliated with the Catholic Church and the Catholic Church in Spain, which had imposed the Papal ban of Freemasonry in 1763.

Due to political instability and repression, Masonic activity remained largely underground, with members avoiding public ceremonies or expressions that might provoke official retaliation. Public Masonic activity risked severe punishment, including exile and confiscation of property.File:Cardinal Consalvi, Charles Wagstaff.jpg and Bartolomeo Pacca issued an edict against Freemasonry and the Carbonari.]]The situation in Spain set the precedent for Cuba, a Spanish colony, where Freemasonry faced similar repression. The Inquisition’s power extended to the island, and no Spanish Grand Orientes were allowed to exercise jurisdiction over Masonic lodges in Cuba during this period. Freemasonry in Cuba, like in Spain, went underground, and it was not until the French invasion of 1807 that the fraternity began to reemerge. By 1809, several Spanish Grand Lodges had been established, signaling the gradual resurgence of Freemasonry across the Iberian Peninsula.

In 1814, however, the return of absolutism under Ferdinand VII led to the renewed Inquisition suppression of Freemasonry, forcing the fraternity back into secrecy. Masons were imprisoned without trial. The society was accused of revolutionary activity and anti-Catholic sentiment. Revolutionary figures such as Román de la Luz were targeted; he was deported and died in exile, reportedly betrayed by his own wife’s confession.

From 1816 to 1820, a proliferation of reformist secret societies was observed in Cuba, with Freemasonry being particularly prominent among them. During the liberal uprising in Spain led by Rafael del Riego, Spanish authorities promulgated the Constitution of 1820. Cuban Masons, wearing their aprons and tricolor cockades, gathered to swear allegiance to it. They later pressured Governor Cagigal to recognize and enforce the Constitution in Cuba.

Throughout the early 19th century, Masons were frequently accused of conspiring against the Spanish state. Some, like members of the Black Eagle Society, were imprisoned, executed or persecuted;

• Don Manuel Ramírez – Imprisoned in 1814 for being a Freemason.
• Román de la Luz – Involved in a revolutionary project in Havana with other Freemasons, exiled from Cuba.
• José Solís – Possessed a Rose Croix diploma; sentenced to 10 years in prison in Ceuta.
• José Rosell – Imprisoned in 1869; member of Lodge 12.
• José Andrés Puente Badell – Grand Master in 1870; assassinated and considered a Masonic martyr.{{Cite book |last=Domínguez |first=Francisco J. Ponte |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=3ofUAAAAMAAJ |title=José Andrés Puente, mártir masón ... |date=1945 |publisher=Editorial Guerrero |language=es}}
• Nicolás Domínguez Cowan – Proposed funeral honors for Andrés Puente.
• Eduardo Godwin – Saved the lodge charter during the 1870 attack; custom house employee.

During the administration of Governor Miguel Tacón, Masonic activity was virtually silenced, with harsh laws penalizing any association with secret societies. Despite these obstacles, a resurgence of Masonic organization began. By the 1840s and 1850s, Masons began cautiously reorganizing. A Grand Lodge was formed in 1849, though meetings had to remain discreet to avoid police raids.

Officially, between 1830 and 1857, there were no regular or irregular Masonic institutions operating within Cuba that weren't operating entirely underground. Despite the concurrent rise of liberal movements in Spain, Freemasonry remained subject to criminal prosecution. Under the reign of Ferdinand VII, the practice of Freemasonry was legally defined as a crime, leading to its suppression in both the Spanish metropole and its colonies. Although tensions eased over time—particularly following the Royal Decree of April 23, 1834, issued by the moderate liberal government of Francisco Martínez de la Rosa, which reduced penalties for Masonic activities—the Penal Code continued to classify Freemasonry as a criminal offense. Nevertheless, individual Freemasons maintained an active presence on the island throughout this period.

One of the defining features of this era was the participation of Cuban nationals in foreign Masonic organizations, especially those based in the United States, Mexico, and France. At the same time, a number of secret societies operated in Cuba with political objectives centered on the island's separation from Spain. These groups often adopted Masonic structures and initiation rituals, which has led to frequent—but mistaken—identification with Freemasonry itself. Some of these societies advocated for full independence, while others supported the annexation of Cuba by the United States.

Notable among these politically oriented secret societies were the Liberation Society of Port-au-Prince, the Lone Star Order, and The Union, the latter explicitly supporting annexation. These organizations frequently referred to themselves as "lodges" due to their initiation practices and internal organization, and some used both Masonic terminology and pro-separatist rhetoric. However, they did not conform to the standards of Masonic regularity nor did they observe constitutional norms established by traditional Masonic authorities.

Between 1848 and 1855, during the height of the annexationist movement, the number of conspiratorial groups increased. Many of them adopted Masonic-like forms, reflecting the influence of Freemasonry on political activism. During this period, a pronounced North American influence was evident, which also shaped the thinking of some Freemasons on the island. This phenomenon occurred within a broader context marked by the fragmentation and crisis of Cuban nationalist consciousness.

The political landscape shifted following the 1855 triumph of Spain's Liberal Union, whose leading figures—such as Generals Leopoldo O'Donnell y Jorris, José Gutiérrez de la Concha y Irigoyen, Domingo Dulce y Garay, and Francisco Serrano y Cuenca Guevara Domínguez—had close ties to Cuba’s colonial elite and served as Captain Generals of the island. This alignment enabled the development of a reformist movement in Cuba and opened new possibilities for freedom of the press, as well as limited political and social liberalization.

In 1868, amidst increasing sociopolitical unrest in colonial Cuba, {{Interlanguage link|José María Orberá y Carrión|ES}}, the Provisional Governor of the Archbishopric of Cuba and a Catholic priest, issued a circular vehemently condemning Freemasonry. In this public declaration, Orbera y Carrión asserted that Masonic activities sought to undermine the Catholic faith and moral order within his ecclesiastical jurisdiction. He characterized Freemasonry as inherently subversive and sacrilegious, citing the secrecy of lodge meeting places and the solemn, quasi-religious atmosphere of Masonic rituals as evidence of its deviation from acceptable religious practice.

To substantiate his denunciation, Orbera y Carrión referenced a series of papal bulls and edicts issued against Freemasonry, beginning with Pope Clement XII’s In Eminenti Apostolatus Specula and continuing through the pontificate of Pope Pius IX, including his condemnation of secret societies in 1865. The circular urged Catholics to reject Freemasonry and called upon civil authorities to consider its prohibition, framing the fraternity as a threat to both Church and state.

In response to the ecclesiastical denunciation, Maximiliano Galán, a leading Cuban Freemason, published a comprehensive rebuttal defending the fraternity’s ethical and spiritual values. Galán contended that Freemasonry aimed to promote moral instruction and fraternal solidarity in accordance with the teachings of Jesus Christ. He emphasized the Masonic aspiration to build a universal community based on friendship and brotherhood, consistent with the ideal of transforming humanity into a single, harmonious family.

Galán argued that many of the criticisms directed at Freemasonry had historically been directed at early Christians, suggesting a parallel between the unjust persecution of both groups. He further criticized Orbera y Carrión for extending his accusations beyond the fraternity to include the families of its members, asserting that Masonic morality and belief in a Supreme Being were foundational to initiation. While expressing regret if his reply caused offense, Galán reaffirmed that Freemasonry, in accordance with Christian principles, harbored no hatred—even toward its detractors.

Even after Queen Isabella II was deposed in 1868 and Masonic restrictions eased in Spain, prohibitions continued to be enforced in Cuba for several more years. While some colonial officials, including governors, were themselves Freemasons and intermittently tolerated the Craft, Cuban Masons still generally operated in secrecy. To avoid persecution, members used pseudonyms, or "Masonic names," and official lodge records often substituted aliases in place of real identities to protect members from detection.

In 1857, the first two lodges were established in Santiago de Cuba: Fraternidad 1 and Prudencia 2. These lodges aimed to reconstitute Freemasonry on the island. Unlike the lodges from earlier periods, which had a strong North American orientation, these new institutions leaned toward Spanish traditions and sought affiliation with the Gran Oriente Hispérico Reformado de España. However, that body no longer existed at the time, preventing such affiliation. No central Masonic authority existed in Spain at that point. The Grand National Orient of Spain (Gran Oriente Nacional de España) would not be established until six years after the Cuban lodges had been founded. Given the desire to establish an autonomous Cuban Grand Lodge, these early Masonic institutions in Cuba reached out to Albert G. Mackey and Albert Pike, then Grand Commander of the Southern Jurisdiction of the Scottish Rite in the United States.

File:Andrés_Cassard.png

Even though Cuba was under the strict rule of Spanish General José de la Concha in the 1850s, Freemasonry began to make a comeback in 1859—mostly thanks to one determined man: Andrés Cassard. On March 26, 1859, Andrés Cassard, a Cuban of French descent residing in New York City, was authorized by Pike and Mackey to create the higher Masonic offices, degrees, and bodies of the Scottish Rite in Cuba.

In December 1859, Jean Pierre A. Cassard arrived in Santiago de Cuba from New York. Cassard had been living in exile in the United States because of his revolutionary activities there: the Spanish government had also issued a warrant for his execution. Because of this, Cassard decided not to leave the security of his ship, and transformed the ship into a floating Masonic temple.

He brought with him permission from the main Masonic authority in Charleston, South Carolina, and even printed Spanish-language materials to help teach and organize Cuban Masons. Although this Supreme Council received recognition from the Southern Jurisdiction of the United States, its existence, like that of other Masonic bodies in Cuba, remained technically illegal under Spanish law. On December 27, while still aboard his ship, he founded the Supreme Council of the 33rd Degree for Cuba and the Spanish Antilles. This event holds particular significance, as the documentation indicates that from the beginning, Colón Freemasonry was envisioned to hold jurisdiction not only over Cuba, the largest of the Antilles, but also over Puerto Rico and potentially Santo Domingue, thereby extending its reach across the Hispanic Antilles.

When Cassard arrived, he found the two Masonic lodges already operating: Prudencia in Matanzas, (though not officially recognized), and Fraternidad. These were the only lodges left to work with in re-establishing Freemasonry in Cuba. To form an official Grand Lodge, they needed at least one more. So, in 1859, some Cuban Masons living in exile in New York teamed up with members of Fraternidad to get permission from South Carolina to start a new lodge. This new lodge was named San Andrés, and by November 1859, it became Lodge 3. The Grand Lodge they created on December 5th was called the Grand Lodge of Colón.File:Francisco_Griñán_y_Mozo.png.]]

One of the most notable features of Colón Freemasonry was its ideological alignment. Despite having obtained patents of incorporation from North American Masonic bodies, its orientation and activism were more closely associated with what came to be known as Latin Freemasonry. This current of Freemasonry is characterized by a departure from the Protestant, mystical, and elitist traditions of Anglo-Saxon Freemasonry. In the case of the Colón tradition, it also incorporated a pronounced Hispanic cultural and ideological influence. For this reason, the institution as such cannot be characterized as having engaged in political actions against the existing colonial regime. This apolitical posture is particularly evident in the backgrounds of the individuals who led these Masonic bodies in their early stages.

Although the two Masonic bodies – the Lodge and the Council – were formally established to govern the various degrees of Columbian Freemasonry, the irregular circumstances surrounding the foundation of the Supreme Council immediately gave rise to a significant rivalry over jurisdiction and authority between it and the leadership of the Grand Lodge.

The first Grand Commander of the Supreme Council was Antonio Vinent y Gola, a Spanish merchant, major landowner, and one of the wealthiest individuals in eastern Cuba. He held the noble title Marquis of Palomares del Río, granted in recognition of his services against the Cuban independence movement. Similarly, the first Grand Master of the Grand Lodge of Colón was Francisco de Griñán, another prominent landowner from eastern Cuba who was also actively involved in the suppression of independence efforts.

Despite its Masonic progressivism in form, the Columbus obedience adhered to a strict racial exclusion policy, forbidding the initiation of men of color. This Supreme Council and its Grand Lodge were exceptionally racist in their character: their charter was based in the Southern States, and their leadership was composed of landholding Criollo elites of the planter class.

In 1860 and 1861, more lodges were founded across Cuba—like Restauración, Amor Fraternal, Segunda Prudencia, and Discípulos de Salomón. One lodge, Fe Masónica (Masonic Faith), was formed in 1862 in Havana by members of Amor Fraternal, though it faced some pushback.

File:Vicente Antonio de Castro.jpgCuban historians and Masonic historians encountering this period of history are mostly confused by the actions of Albert Pike at this point, because his actions seem contradictory in nature, and they are still being closely studied. Despite the fact that Cassard was already in Cuba, Albert Pike authorized another Mason, {{Interlanguage link|Vicente Antonio de Castro|ES|Vicente Antonio de Castro y Bermúdez}}, to fix any "problems" that might have come from how Cassard set up Freemasonry in Cuba.

Vincente de Castro had also been a Cuban living in exile in the United States. In 1861, following a political amnesty issued by the Spanish colonial government, de Casto returned to Cuba after a period of exile. A physician and Enlightenment intellectual, de Castro had regularized his Masonic degrees under Albert Pike during his time in exile. Upon returning to Santiago de Cuba, he encountered a Masonic establishment dominated by colonial interests and quickly became disillusioned with the institution that Cassard had created.

Instead of working with the existing Grand Lodge in Santiago de Cuba (the Gran Oriente de Colón), de Castro created his own rival organization in Havana in 1862: the Supreme Council and Grand Orient of Cuba and the Antilles (GOCA). Even though it wasn’t officially recognized by everyone, this group got support from European Masonic authorities in France, England, and Scotland.

Unlike its rival, GOCA embraced a liberal, republican, and secular philosophy grounded in Enlightenment ideals. It rejected the racial exclusion and political conservatism of the Colón system and cultivated an explicitly patriotic and reformist agenda. GOCA’s rituals were Masonic in form but infused with political substance, advocating liberty, equality, and fraternity as its guiding principles.

The formation of GOCA provoked strong opposition from both Cassard and Pike. On November 17, 1865, Pike publicly denounced GOCA in a letter, describing it as an illegitimate body and a “central club of Jacobins.” He accused the organization of engaging in political conspiracy rather than legitimate Masonic work and severed ties with it completely. However, Pike himself had apparently not recognized the irony here: Pike himself had served as a Confederate Brigadier General, devoutly supported the Confederate cause, and had only returned to the United States three months from his exile in Canada prior to writing this letter.

In an effort to obscure its activities both from Pike and the government of Spain, the united Masonic organization adopted the symbolic name Grand Orient of Colón and carefully avoided disclosing the physical location of its governing headquarters. A constitution originally published in Naples in 1820 was adopted for use by the Grand Orient of Colón, effectively integrating the Supreme Council into the Grand Orient's structure. In 1865, this constitution was replaced by a new one, formally recognizing the Sovereign Grand Commander of the Supreme Council as a central authority.

Between 1862 and 1868, the GOCA expanded rapidly throughout Cuba, founding approximately twenty lodges. Many of these lodges either originated independently or defected from the Columbus obedience due to dissatisfaction with its elitist and colonialist orientation. The core divide between the two obediences was political: Columbus Freemasonry remained loyal to the Spanish colonial regime, while GOCA increasingly aligned itself with Cuban nationalist and republican ideals.

GOCA drew inspiration from the liberal traditions of Latin American Freemasonry and the revolutionary principles of the French Enlightenment. Its members adopted the motto “Liberty, Equality, Fraternity,” and its lodges became centers of political discourse, patriotic education, and subversive planning. The GOCA also promoted social inclusion, opposing the racial exclusion practiced by Columbus Freemasonry and embracing broader social participation.

During the mid to late 19th century, Freemasonry in Cuba was marked by jurisdictional disputes, government repression, and attempts at organizational consolidation. Although the Grand Lodge of Colón maintained a relationship with the Supreme Council of the 33rd Degree through the Grand Orient of Colón, tensions soon developed between the two bodies.

The single biggest dispute in Freemasonry in Cuba at this time was the issue of slavery, and this era coincided with the American Civil War.{{Cite web |last=García Toledo |first=Óscar Ignacio |date=2020 |title=EL PAPEL DE LA MASONERÍA EN LA INDEPENDENCIA DE CUBA |url=https://riull.ull.es/xmlui/bitstream/handle/915/20069/El%20Papel%20de%20la%20Masoneria%20en%20la%20Independencia%20de%20Cuba.pdf?sequence=1 |website=Universidad de La Laguna}} Any Masonic body aligned with the Spanish grand lodges, or the grand lodges based in the Southern states of the USA, at this time had outright banned membership by black men. However, members of other Masonic organizations in Cuba were radically abolitionist and radically revolutionary. Francisco Vicente Aguilera, for example, upon freeing the slaves inherited by the death of his father had immediately initiated them into the Freemasons. Other members of the revolutionary movement in Cuba had also taken upon initiating black men, and as well some of the highest-ranking Mambises were black generals.

In 1867, under the leadership of Grand Master Andrés Puente, the Gran Lodge of Colón in Santiago de Cuba declared its independence from its own Supreme Council. The Grand Lodge adopted a new constitution stating that it alone had authority over the foundational lodges—known as blue lodges—while the Supreme Council could oversee only the higher degrees of Freemasonry. This separation of powers was publicly supported by Albert Pike. Higher-ranking Masons tried to control basic lodges (called blue lodges), which didn’t sit well with the regular members. Sometimes new lodges were started without proper permission, adding to the chaos. And since Santiago was geographically cut off while Havana was the political and communication hub, tensions grew.

However, in 1868, the Supreme Council rejected the new constitution and unilaterally shut down the Gran Logia de Colón, claiming full control over all Masonic affairs. Internal conflict had already been brewing: high-ranking Masons from the Supreme Council were attempting to dominate the blue lodges, and new lodges were sometimes established without authorization. These tensions were worsened by geography—Santiago, the original Masonic stronghold, was relatively isolated, while Havana was the colonial capital and better connected.

While the Grand Master of the Supreme Council held authority over the Grand Orient by virtue of office, the Grand Lodge's Grand Master was still elected separately. The Grand Lodge issued charters for new lodges, but these required confirmation by the Supreme Council. In 1867, the Grand Lodge issued its own constitution asserting the exclusive right to regulate Blue Lodge Masonry — authority that the Supreme Council contested. The Grand Lodge suspended this constitution in September 1868, pending a Grand Orient meeting planned for November. However, the Ten Years’ War erupted in October 1868, halting the meeting.

In March 1868, some of the lodges loyal to de Castro in Havana formed the Gran Logia de La Habana. But this body was extremely short-lived, collapsing on October 10, 1868, the day of the Cry of Yara. After this, the only lodge officially recognized was the Grand Lodge of Colón – GOCA was active, but not publicly recognized as regular and correct.

{{See also|Cry of Yara|Ten Years' War}}

GOCA's rituals and liturgies clearly expressed their rationalist, Enlightenment-inspired, liberal, democratic, anticlerical, secular, and deist values. They promoted international solidarity, the defense of secular education, and above all, a patriotic ethos. Their official motto was the revolutionary French triad — Liberty, Equality, Fraternity — adopted by the Grand Orient of France in 1848.

The most defining characteristic of the GOCA was its propagation of a patriotic vision rooted in democratic republicanism, which it viewed as attainable only through the creation of an independent Cuban state. Many of those who later took part in the independence uprising of 1868 had been initiated into its lodges. Indeed, the core group that launched the Cuban War of Independence was composed of GOCA members.

However, the leadership of the other lodge, the Grand Lodge of Colón, not only kept its distance from any conspiratorial activity but also publicly declared its opposition to the independence movement. In contrast, it was the GOCA, through its politically engaged members and revolutionary initiates, that actively dedicated itself to the cause of Cuban independence. Almost every Cuban revolutionary leader in the ranks of Freemasonry in Cuba from this point was affiliated with GOCA.

Ray Denslow, an American Freemason, wrote that:

"The one thing which stands out in all of the history of Cuban Freemasonry is the persecution which the brethren of that have had to undergo as a result of their belief. Charges have been made that these brethren "conspired" against the government. Did not a lot of our American brethren "conspire" against the English government in the early history of our own country? Do we condemn them for having so "conspired"? Washington, one of the chief conspirators has become the Fatber of our country, honored and respected because be stood loyal to an ideal. Shall we condemn these early Cuban patriots for doing the same thing? We think not. Nor does the Cuban citizen of today think so."

"Masonic expansion, that is, the role that US Scottish Rite Masonic lodges played as they opened sister lodges across the Caribbean, has been associated by Dominique Soucy to a direct form of imperial-building open to the languages and influences of US Manifest Destiny. Histories of Masonic expansion reflect a form of intervention that shares forms of internationalism proper in Masonic codes and alliances.... I see these Masonic interventions as part of a “softer” imperial formation that is linked to territorial expansion or war."{{Citation |last=Arroyo |first=Jossianna |title=Hauntings: Americanisms in Andrés Cassard and Albert Pike, 1850 –1870 |date=2013 |work=Writing Secrecy in Caribbean Freemasonry |pages=33–67 |editor-last=Arroyo |editor-first=Jossianna |url=https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1057/9781137305169_2 |access-date=2025-04-14 |place=New York |publisher=Palgrave Macmillan US |language=en |doi=10.1057/9781137305169_2 |isbn=978-1-137-30516-9}}

In October 1867, the Committee tasked Figueredo with traveling to Havana to inform {{Interlanguage link|Vicente Antonio de Castro|ES|Vicente Antonio de Castro y Bermúdez}}, the highest authority of the GOCA, of their revolutionary plans. The GOCA gave its support to the Masons of the Oriente Province.

Meanwhile, {{Interlanguage link|Francisco Javier Cisneros|ES}}, a member of the San Andrés No. 9 lodge under the jurisdiction of the Gran Logia de Colón, took on the presidency of the Republican Committee of Havana.

The conspiracy was gaining momentum. On August 4, 1868, the Tirsán Convention was held at the San Miguel estate in Las Tunas to determine the date of the uprising. The meeting was attended by ten Freemasons representing the lodges Estrella Tropical 19 of Bayamo, Tínima 16 of Puerto Príncipe, and Buena Fe No. 20 of Manzanillo. Although no specific date was set during the convention, it was agreed to reconvene on September 1.

File:Cry_of_Yara.jpg at the base of the monument to the prominent Cuban Freemason, Carlos Manuel de Céspedes, in Céspedes Park. The Bell of La Demajagua is depicted being rung on the left of the image. The Céspedes Flag, the first Flag of Cuba is depicted being flown on the right.]]However, anticipating possible intervention by Spanish authorities, Carlos Manuel de Céspedes—who led the Buena Fe (Good Faith) lodge—decided to advance the timeline. The revolutionary uprising at La Demajagua, known as the Cry of Yara, led by Carlos Manuel de Céspedes began with the ringing of the Bell of La Demajagua—now a national symbol. Céspedes freed his slaves and launched the Ten Years' War, becoming in the process the first President of the Republic of Cuba in Arms and Captain General of the Cuban Liberation Army. This moment marked the beginning of Cuba’s armed struggle for independence.

The Cuban Ten Years’ War marked a turning point in Freemasonry. One single military lodge called Independencia operated briefly during the Ten Years’ War. Its members included figures like General Donato Mármol, who once released a captured Spanish officer upon recognizing his Masonic affiliation. General Máximo Gómez, initially critical of the act, later joined the lodge and became a leading figure in Cuba’s independence struggle.

By early 1869, the entire Masonic structure in Cuba was paralyzed by the war, but also invigorated by it. De Castro’s group in Havana had dissolved. The Grand Lodge of Colón in Santiago had gone into recess. The Supreme Council, now the only remaining authority, was inactive due to illness, absences, and surveillance by Spanish colonial authorities. De Castro himself died in May of that year.

On April 10, 1869, at the constitutional assembly held in Guáimaro, nearly all delegates were Freemasons. Carlos Manuel de Céspedes presided, while Ignacio Agramonte and Antonio Zambrana—also Masons—served as secretaries. Agramonte read aloud the new constitution. This assembly consecrated Masonic principles such as Liberty, Equality, Fraternity, Democracy, Secularism, and Social Justice in the foundation of the Cuban Republic in Arms.

Despite the turmoil, Cuban Freemasonry endured. But by 1870, the number of active lodges had dropped from about 30 to just 7. That same year, the Supreme Council attempted to reassert itself by creating a new "mother lodge" in Havana, but the effort failed. The year of 1870 then became marked as the worst year in the history Cuban Freemasonry.

Even though the Grand Lodge of Colón had maintained such a neutral stance in the war, and even though they were highly affiliated with the Spanish monarchy, and even though they were mostly against Cuba's independence from Spain: they were still Freemasons, and Freemasonry was still illegal. Ironically, it was this lodge, and not GOCA, that suffered one of the most brutal massacres at the hands of the Spanish colonial military during the entire war: the massacre of San Juan de Wilson.File:José_Andrés_Puente_Badell.png who was executed alongside his fellow Freemasons by the Spanish during the Ten Years' War.]]

In 1870, tensions between the Spanish colonial authorities and the Cuban Masonic community escalated during the tenure of José Andrés Puente Badell, Grand Master of the Grand Lodge of Colón. The Spanish government accused the fraternity of harboring clandestine elements sympathetic to the Cuban independence movement, particularly in Santiago de Cuba, where Freemasonry was alleged to be supporting insurgent activities.

According to historical testimonies, the repressive measures were planned during the final days of January 1870, during a banquet held at the Spanish Circle of Santiago de Cuba. The gathering was reportedly presided over by a Spanish Catholic priest named Lecanda and Carlos González Boet, commander-in-chief of the guerrilla forces stationed in El Cobre.{{Cite web |title="Duelo Nacional Masónico" |url=https://cubamason.forosactivos.net/t10250-duelo-nacional-masonico |access-date=2025-04-13 |website=cubamason.forosactivos.net |language=es}}

At this meeting, it was decided—without due process or legal justification—to arrest and summarily execute individuals deemed politically or ideologically suspicious. González Boet personally undertook this task. In the following days, a large number of residents of Santiago de Cuba, many of whom were Freemasons or associated with liberal causes, were denounced and detained.

Acting on these suspicions, Spanish military commander Boet arrested fourteen members of Fraternity Lodge No. 1 during a regular lodge meeting. The prisoners were removed from local jails under Boet’s direct orders and transferred to the San Juan de Wilson sugar mill, approximately three leagues from the town of El Cobre. Boet had converted the mill into a temporary guerrilla encampment. Simultaneously, several residents of El Cobre were also arrested and brought to the site.

By February 13, all detainees had been gathered at the San Juan de Wilson compound. According to survivor Buenaventura Cruz, the prisoners were subjected to inhumane conditions:

“Assaulted in word and deed, oppressed and humiliated, Boet’s guerrillas piled us up, bound with barbaric restraints, in the corridors of the mill house. There we lay on the floor, like beasts condemned to slaughter, denied even the right to breathe, trampled before being killed.”

Following the execution of the Freemasons at San Juan de Wilson, Nicolás Domínguez Cowan, an active Freemason, proposed that Lodge San Andrés, which Puente had formerly led, conduct a memorial ceremony in his honor. Although the proposal received approval from the lodge’s membership, it was also met with apprehension due to the political risks involved.

The funeral ceremony was scheduled for March 5, 1870, at 6:30p.m., and its purpose quickly became known to the broader public. On the evening of the event, more than one hundred Freemasons assembled in the lodge temple. However, a large and increasingly hostile crowd gathered outside, shouting anti-Masonic slogans such as “¡Mueran los conspiradores!” and “¡Muerte al Consejo Cubano!” (“Death to the conspirators! Death to the Cuban Council!”).

Upon receiving word that the mob was advancing, the Worshipful Master addressed the brethren, urging calm and resolve. He stated:

“Do not be alarmed, my dear brethren. Our fate, whatever it may be, we must face with courage. We must save our charter above everything else.”

File:Manzanillo CF9A1031.jpg]]

The massacre at San Juan de Wilson changed everything: the members of the Grand Lodge of Colón had become more radicalized, and the members of GOCA recognized their shared sacrifice. However, Masonic authority on the island still remained fragmented.

That same year, the Supreme Council established a Provincial Mother Lodge in Havana, prompting protest from the Grand Lodge. The Warrant for this Mother Lodge was later withdrawn, though the broader dispute between the Grand Lodge and Supreme Council continued. After failing to achieve the desired independence of action, it dissolved on August 28, 1874. Its Grand Master was the Spaniard Severino Fernández Mora, a doctor in the Military Health Service of the Spanish army, who, due to his activities and ideas, was forced by the colonial authorities to leave the island "within 24 hours.

In 1875, the Gran Logia de Colón resumed its activities and reached an important agreement with the Supreme Council. The Grand Lodge would have exclusive control over Symbolic Masonry (blue lodges). The Supreme Council would oversee the higher degrees. This agreement allowed Freemasonry to reorganize and grow again, but confusion persisted.

On May 23, 1875, a Second Provincial Mother Lodge was established in Havana, with a broader base of support than its predecessor. There is little doubt that both initiatives stemmed from members formerly active in GOCA Freemasonry, as well as factions within the Colón Lodge that held views differing from those of the Grand Lodge leadership headquartered in Santiago de Cuba. One of the main points of contention was the perceived ineffectiveness of maintaining the central authority of Cuban Freemasonry far from Havana, the country’s political and economic capital.

{{Main article|Lausanne Congress of Supreme Councils of 1875}}

That same year, the Supreme Council of Colón dispatched two delegates, David Elías Pierre and Benjamín Odio, to the Convention of Supreme Councils of the Scottish Rite, held in Lausanne, Switzerland. There, the Cuban representatives became signatories of the Pact of Confederation of the Supreme Regular Councils of the World.

The event resonated strongly in Cuba for two key reasons. First, the Cuban delegation was accepted, whereas Spain's was rejected due to the disorganization of Spanish Freemasonry, which made it impossible to recognize one representative body without excluding others. Second, the pact established new Masonic principles that had far-reaching consequences, particularly in the political sphere.

While Scottish Rite Freemasonry had traditionally defined itself as apolitical in practice, in reality it had not remained immune to the political upheavals of the time. Following the Lausanne Convention, however, Cuban Freemasonry underwent a redefinition: it adopted a philanthropic and fraternal character not only in theory but also in its practical social engagement. One notable shift was the replacement of politically charged slogans—such as the French revolutionary motto Liberty, Equality, Fraternity—with the more neutral principles of Brotherly Love, Relief, and Truth, in alignment with Anglo-American Masonic traditions.

This ideological transformation was clearly articulated in 1875 by Francisco de Paula Rodríguez, one of the most influential Cuban Freemasons of the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Reflecting on the change, he stated:

“Because of that presumptuous error of attributing a political role to the Institution, we brought upon ourselves constant threats and persecution. We have learned much from this experience. Instead of ‘Liberty, Equality, Fraternity,’ a profoundly political motto, we have returned to the values upheld in England and the United States: ‘Brotherly Love, Relief, and Truth.’”

File:Aurelio Almeida y González.png

In 1876, Aurelio Almeida y González, a prominent adherent to the ideas of Vicente Antonio de Castro and widely regarded as the architect of the definitive structure and projection of Cuban Freemasonry, initiated a transformative move that some Masonic historians have described as a "coup d’état" against the existing Colón Freemasonry. At the time, Almeida was one of the leading figures within the Second Provincial Mother Lodge of Havana.

Almeida embarked on a tour of the United States, where he successfully secured the support of major North American Masonic bodies. Following this, a telegram was sent to Havana, and shortly thereafter, on July 28, 1876, the Provincial Mother Lodge announced its self-dissolution.

Merely days later, on August 1, with great fanfare, representatives from thirteen lodges met in Havana and proclaimed the establishment of a new independent Masonic institution: the Grand Lodge of the Island of Cuba, a body that deliberately excluded the higher or “Scottish Rite” degrees. This development reintroduced a dual structure within Cuban Freemasonry, further complicated by the simultaneous operation of lodges affiliated with various Spanish Masonic obediences.

The new body created under Almeida’s leadership immediately undertook a comprehensive reorganization of the lodges and initiated diplomatic efforts to establish fraternal relations with other Masonic jurisdictions abroad. Its efforts quickly bore fruit: the new Grand Lodge received official recognition not only from the Grand Lodges of the United States, but also from the Spanish Masonic body led by Práxedes Mateo Sagasta. Effectively, this institution represented a reorganization of GOCA, now under a regular Masonic framework, bearing a new name and distanced from direct political affiliations and activities. This organization represented, in effect, a reconstitution of the former Grand Orient of Cuba and the Antilles (GOCA), now operating under a new name, with regular Masonic status, and without the overt political affiliations that had previously characterized it. Rather than engaging in direct political activity, both institutions began to emphasize values that contributed to the formation of a modern Cuban national identity. These included a commitment to secularism, the promotion of free intellectual inquiry, and the advocacy of a broad liberal tradition grounded more in ideological principles than in political partisanship.

The broader political climate of the time, shaped by the Spanish Restoration and a series of partial reforms and freedoms intended to pacify the island following the end of the Ten Years' War, provided fertile ground for this evolution. Both Masonic movements — the Colón Freemasonry and the Grand Lodge of the Island of Cuba — began to converge in a shared cultural mission, emphasizing the cultivation of values that would come to define Cuban national identity: free thought, secular social values, and a broad, ideologically driven liberalism, more intellectual in nature than explicitly political.

On November 24, 1876, the Grand Lodge of the Island of Cuba and the Supreme Council of Colón formalized their reconciliation by signing what became known as the Treaty of Peace and Friendship. This foundational agreement, rooted in the principles established by the Universal Council and the Convention of Lausanne, has been reaffirmed in all subsequent Cuban Masonic constitutions and codes. The treaty marked a significant reorganization of internal Masonic structures in Cuba, notably diminishing the influence of mystical, aristocratic, and authoritarian elements that had previously characterized portions of the institution. As a result, the significance traditionally ascribed to the higher degrees was substantially reduced.

Under the terms of the treaty, the Supreme Council of Colón formally recognized the Grand Lodge as the “regular, competent, and sovereign” authority over all lodges practicing the first three Masonic or symbolic degrees. In reciprocity, the Grand Lodge acknowledged the Supreme Council’s exclusive jurisdiction over the higher degrees, from the fourth to the thirty-third. Both bodies were granted complete autonomy, each operating under its own set of laws and regulations, without subordination to the other. This accord is widely regarded as a model for resolving institutional conflict within Freemasonry and is considered one of the most effective instruments for fostering unity and fraternal cooperation among Cuban Masons.

By the end of 1876, three rival Grand Lodges were claiming legitimacy:

1. The original Gran Logia de Colón in Santiago de Cuba.
2. The Gran Logia de Cuba in Havana.
3. The Gran Logia de Colón in Havana.

Internal conflicts within the Grand Lodge of Colón persisted throughout the 1870s, primarily manifesting in tensions between lodges in the western region of the island and the leadership headquartered in Santiago de Cuba. The western lodges, represented most prominently by José Fernández Pellón y Castellanos, advocated for a relocation of the Grand Lodge's seat to Havana. Acting on behalf of 27 western lodges, Fernández Pellón successfully obtained approval for this transfer, while the Supreme Council remained based in Santiago de Cuba. Given that the Grand Lodge oversaw the symbolic lodges—which constituted the majority of Masonic workshops on the island—the relocation to Havana reflected the growing centralization of Cuban Freemasonry in the political and economic capital. Nevertheless, some eastern lodges rejected the move and continued to uphold the authority of the Grand Lodge of Colón in Santiago.

File:1914-11-22, Bohemia, Antonio Govin y Torres.jpg

On July 20, 1877, a new Grand Lodge of Colón was officially proclaimed in Havana. Its leadership was dominated by a coalition of figures aligned with the liberal reformist movement then gaining prominence in Cuban political life. This same faction would go on to establish the Liberal Party in 1878, which later adopted the name Autonomist Party. Despite ideological differences, Masonic lodges under this structure facilitated collaboration between reformists and advocates of full independence, united in their concern for the transformation and modernization of colonial Cuba. The Grand Master of the Havana-based Grand Lodge of Colón was {{Interlanguage link|Antonio Govín y Torres|ES}}, a key figure in the emerging Autonomist Party, where he served as both organizer and secretary.

Meanwhile, the Grand Lodge of the Island of Cuba, under the leadership of Aurelio Almeida y González, had achieved greater institutional stability and coherence than its regionalist counterpart. Almeida promulgated a comprehensive Masonic Code—unprecedented in Cuban Freemasonry—which later served as a model for Masonic organizations across the Spanish-speaking world. Under his guidance, the Grand Lodge of Cuba also extended its influence internationally, authorizing the establishment of lodges in Spain. Among Almeida’s most influential contributions to Masonic literature were El consultor del masón (The Mason’s Consultant) and Jurisprudencia masónica (Masonic Jurisprudence), both widely disseminated throughout Latin American Masonic circles. In El consultor del masón, Almeida included the liturgies originally composed by Vicente Antonio de Castro for the Grand Orient of Cuba and the Antilles, thereby reinforcing a doctrinal continuity within Cuban Freemasonry while adapting it to the evolving cultural and political context.

File:1895-06-30, La Ilustración Española y Americana, José M. Gálvez y Alfonso (cropped).jpg

In 1878, the conclusion of the Ten Years’ War coincided with the emergence of formal political organizations on the island. That same year, the first political parties in Cuban history were established. Among them, the most prominent was the Liberal Party, later renamed the Autonomist Party. Despite its name and aspirations, the party initially wielded limited political influence. Nonetheless, it quickly became a central platform for Cuba’s reformist and moderate political sectors.

Leadership of the Autonomist Party included a number of prominent Masonic figures from both major Masonic factions on the island. These included {{Interlanguage link|Antonio Govín y Torres|ES}}, who served concurrently as Party Secretary and Grand Master of the Grand Lodge of Colón; José Fernández Pellón; {{Interlanguage link|José María Gálvez|ES}}, the Party’s President; and Rafael Montoro, regarded as the leading intellectual voice of the liberal-autonomist movement and Worshipful Master of the Plus Ultra Lodge.

The Autonomist Party’s platform aligned closely with Masonic values and was widely supported and disseminated through Masonic channels. Among the political demands outlined in its program were expansions to individual liberties, as framed under Title I of the Spanish Constitution. These included freedom of the press, freedom of assembly and association, the inviolability of the home and person, protection of private correspondence and property, the right to petition, religious freedom, and academic freedom in both teaching and publishing. Such elements, particularly the emphasis on religious liberty and secular (scientific) education, became central themes in Masonic advocacy and public discourse.

These shared objectives intensified ideological tensions between Masons and conservative Catholic sectors, particularly as debates over religious influence in public life and education became increasingly pronounced. Despite the frequent association between Masonic affiliation and liberal political leanings, the overlap was not absolute: not all liberals were Masons, nor were all Masons aligned with liberal or autonomist positions.

In this evolving political and social context, the rationale for maintaining two separate Masonic institutions on the island diminished. Nonetheless, this convergence did not resolve all internal disputes. Persistent issues—such as regional rivalries, political divisions, differing visions regarding Freemasonry’s role in public affairs, and questions of national identity—continued to challenge efforts toward full institutional unification.

Efforts toward unity eventually bore fruit. In 1879, several lodges that had originally formed the 1859 Grand Lodge of Colón realigned themselves with the Grand Lodge of Cuba. Nonetheless, many lodges, especially in Havana, remained loyal to the second Grand Lodge of Colón. Eventually, reconciliation between the Grand Lodge of Colón (Havana) and the Grand Lodge of Cuba was achieved. To resolve the fragmentation, the Gran Logia de Cuba and the Gran Logia de Colón at Havana merged on March 28, 1880, forming the United Grand Lodge of Colón and the Island of Cuba (GLIC). The new unified body launched with 57 lodges and an estimated membership of 5,000 to 6,000 Masons. On March 28, 1880, a merger was formalized: one Grand Master assumed leadership of the new body, and the other became Deputy Grand Master.

By 1885, the number of affiliated lodges had grown to approximately 82, with two provincial Grand Lodges located in Santiago de Cuba and Puerto Rico. However, official records listed only 58 lodges — 30 in or near Havana, and 28 elsewhere.

In addition to these, independent jurisdictions persisted. Research by Masonic historian Robert Freke Gould noted that 13 lodges operated under the National Grand Orient, and 27 under the Grand Lodge of Spain, the latter presided over by a Provincial Grand Master whose authority extended to Puerto Rico.{{Cite web |last=Gould |first=Robert |date=1936 |title=GOULD'S HISTORY OF FREEMASONRY THROUGHOUT THE WORLD: Cuba |url=https://www.latinamericanstudies.org/freemasonry/Goulds-Fremasonry-Cuba.pdf |website=LatinAmericanStudies |publisher=Charles Scribner's Sons |publication-place=New York}}

In the final decades of the 19th century, Freemasonry played a significant role in shaping Cuban intellectual and political life. Many leading figures of the period—whether aligned with autonomist or independence causes—were Freemasons. Membership rolls from various lodges reveal a broad representation of Cuba’s professional and intellectual elite, including journalists, physicians, engineers, pharmacists, educators, and lawyers. The core values promoted by the institution—freedom of conscience, freedom of the press, freedom of association, secular education, and civil control over institutions such as marriage and burial—formed part of a shared civic and cultural agenda among those advocating for the transformation of colonial Cuban society.

Freemasonry’s emphasis on secular and liberal principles placed it in ideological opposition to the Catholic Church, which had traditionally exercised strong social and moral authority. However, many Freemasons remained personally faithful to Catholic teachings. The decline of the Church’s influence in urban areas was noted by religious authorities themselves. In 1880, Bishop Ramón Fernández Piérola of Havana lamented that out of approximately 200,000 residents in the capital, fewer than 3,000 regularly attended Mass, attributing this decline in part to the proliferation of Masonic lodges in the city.

The link between Freemasonry and Cuban independence movements is complex. The initial 1868 uprising, which marked the beginning of the Ten Years’ War, had ties to the GOCA. Following its dissolution, the surviving lodges reorganized under the Grand Lodge of the Island of Cuba. Many former GOCA members either perished in the war or entered exile, where they formed part of a broader Masonic diaspora. These exiled Freemasons contributed significantly to independence movements of the 1880s and 1890s, though their political activities often occurred in non-Masonic contexts and in alliance with non-Masons, particularly through organizations such as the Cuban Revolutionary Party.

Domestically, many Masons who remained in Cuba continued to participate in lodges, which became venues for cultural and civic engagement rather than overt political agitation. The reorganization and consolidation of Cuban Freemasonry under a unified Grand Lodge allowed for a clearer articulation of a national Masonic vision, one that included both reformist and separatist elements. During the early 1880s, autonomist ideas gained relative prominence within Masonic circles, reflecting broader political and intellectual currents that emphasized gradual reform over revolutionary rupture. The autonomist strategy—seeking "evolution rather than revolution"—was framed not as an abandonment of nationalist aspirations but as a pragmatic response to colonial intransigence.

Freemasonry’s influence extended into the cultural and educational spheres. Lodges in major Cuban cities founded libraries, schools, lecture halls, and journals. They promoted scientific inquiry, literary activity, and secular education. Three Havana lodges—Amor Fraternal, San Andrés, and Plus Ultra—were especially active in cultural and intellectual life. Distinguished members included Antonio Govín (Grand Master), Rafael Montoro (Venerable Master of Plus Ultra), Aurelio Almeida, José Antonio Cortina, José Fernández Pellón, {{Interlanguage link|José María Gálvez|ES}}, Claudio Vermay (son of painter Jean Baptiste Vermay), Rafael Fernández de Castro, Aurelio Miranda, and Enrique José Varona.

Two of the most influential Cuban periodicals of the era—Revista Cubana and Revista de Cuba—were edited by prominent Freemasons José Antonio Cortina and Enrique José Varona. These journals published a wide range of content, from legal and philosophical essays to literary and scientific studies, including discussions of Darwinian theory, Hegelian aesthetics, and historical reinterpretation. They challenged conservative, colonial-era ideas and advocated for a modern, secular, and democratic Cuban society grounded in scientific rationalism and civic morality.

Masonic lodges, lyceums, and cultural societies became key spaces for the articulation of these new values. However, despite their progressive orientation, they were limited in their ability to dismantle entrenched social hierarchies. While they offered a platform for forward-thinking elites, the class divisions of Cuban society remained largely intact.

In 1886, slavery was finally abolished in Cuba.

During the Cuban War of Independence, Cuban Freemasons in exile contributed to the independence cause through diverse channels, often integrating themselves into Masonic systems abroad. Many regularized their Masonic degrees in foreign jurisdictions—particularly in the Caribbean and the United States—and in some cases, they established new lodges under local auspices. Notable among these were lodges named after figures from the Ten Years’ War, such as the Francisco Vicente Aguilera Lodge and the Ignacio Agramonte Lodge in Florida. However, these Masonic lodges functioned independently of the political conspiracies and military planning associated with the renewed struggle for independence. While the exiled communities supported the independence movement, their Masonic engagements centered primarily on fraternal solidarity rather than political coordination.

A prominent case illustrating the intersection of Freemasonry and Cuban nationalism is that of José Martí. Martí was initiated into Freemasonry during his early years in Spain at the lodge Armonía in Madrid (circa 1871–1874). His own definition of Freemasonry as “an active form of liberal thought” reveals the ideological convergence between Masonic principles and his personal convictions. This alignment may be traced to Martí’s early intellectual formation under Rafael María de Mendive—a Freemason and educator—and to his later connections with Mexican Freemasonry. In the United States, Martí maintained relationships with various Masonic lodges, delivered public addresses in Masonic venues in New York, and visited lodges in Florida.

Martí's political philosophy, deeply shaped by his experiences and observations, particularly during his time in the United States, was rooted in a vision of anti-imperialist, pan-Latin American solidarity. In a now-famous letter to his close friend Manuel Mercado, written on the eve of his death in 1895, Martí expressed his resolve to prevent the expansion of U.S. influence in Latin America, asserting that Cuban independence was a strategic necessity for preserving the sovereignty of the region. He characterized the United States as a powerful adversary, stating, “I lived in the monster and I know its entrails.”

Unlike the revolutionary movement of 1868, which had links to irregular Masonic bodies such as the Grand Orient of Cuba and the Antilles (GOCA), the 1895 uprising was not initiated through any Masonic organization. Although Martí, General Máximo Gómez, and General Antonio Maceo were all Masons, the movement was organized under a new political framework: the modern political party. The Cuban Revolutionary Party, founded by Martí in 1892, sought to unify Cuban exiles around a common national project. Its structure and approach reflected the shifting political landscape of the late 19th century, emphasizing mass mobilization, strategic communication, and ideological cohesion, rather than the secretive or elitist methods of earlier conspiratorial cells.

Meanwhile, Freemasonry in Cuba continued to focus on its original mission: the cultivation of moral, civic, and philanthropic values. Lodges such as Plus Ultra, guided by intellectuals including Rafael Montoro and José Fernández Pellón, became forums for civic debate and cultural advancement. Though not directly involved in political organization, these lodges fostered the ethical and secular ideals that would also underpin Martí’s vision for a democratic republic.

The shared values between regular Cuban Freemasonry and Martí’s revolutionary project—particularly their emphasis on secularism, fraternity, equality, and the moral formation of citizens—highlight a convergence of ethical and civic aspirations. Within Martí’s thought, liberty and equality were inextricably linked, forming the basis for a just and inclusive society. His political legacy thus provided a framework not only for Cuban national independence, but for a broader vision of decolonization and emancipation in Latin America and the Global South. Through the PRC, these ideas found institutional expression, surpassing the social reach of the Masonic lodges and laying the foundations for the Cuban War of Independence in 1895.

At the very end of the Cuban War of Independence, the United States invaded Cuba in what would be called the Caribbean Theatre of the Spanish–American War. This played a significant role in reviving the former brands of Freemasonry in Cuba. First, it allowed Cuban Masons to operate their Grand Lodge openly, without fear of government interference. Second, it brought Cuba into much closer contact with the Masonic institutions of the United States. The influx of American civilians and military personnel—many of whom were Freemasons themselves—offered additional support and encouragement. Among those involved in helping to rebuild Cuban Freemasonry were several prominent figures in the U.S. military administration, including Admiral Winfield Scott Schley, Generals William Rufus Shafter and Winfield Scott, Colonel Theodore Roosevelt, and General George M. Moulton.

Following the conclusion of the Spanish-American War in 1898, Cuban Freemasonry resumed its activities. The Gran Logia de la Isla de Cuba became an active body, and by the 1919–1920 period, it reported six regional jurisdictions (Pinar del Río, Havana, Matanzas, Santa Clara, Camagüey, and Oriente) with a total of 123 lodges and nearly 11,000 members. The Masonic jurisdiction in Puerto Rico had, by then, evolved into an independent Grand Lodge.

Masonic publications played a crucial role in establishing and spreading Freemasonry in Cuba. Starting in 1870, a relatively liberal climate permitted the press to disseminate Masonic ideals more openly. Both official and unofficial publications emerged with the shared goal of embedding Masonic principles within Cuban society. Over the second half of the 19th century, as many as seventy Masonic-related publications were produced.

In the early stages, particularly during the 1860s, the most common format was the magazine. However, these publications often had extremely short lifespans, with many never progressing beyond their first or second issues due to limited subscriptions and financial constraints. In certain cases, such as with Vincente de Castro’s publication, editors resorted to self-funding, an option that was not viable for most. Only the most fortunate or well-connected editors succeeded in sustaining their publications, which led to a small number of Masonic journalists dominating the Masonic press by the late 19th century.

Many of these publications functioned as instruments of advocacy, promoting the interests of specific Masonic obediences. This was especially evident in Havana, where most Masonic journals were produced and used strategically to consolidate influence within the national Masonic structure—often to the detriment of lodges in other regions, such as Santiago de Cuba.

Among the most significant publications was La Voz de Hiram, founded in 1876 by Aurelio Almeida. It served as the official voice of the Provincial Grand Lodge of Havana. The following year, Almeida also launched El Cincel, a magazine that became a forum for Masonic opinion, fostering the exchange of ideas and internal debate. Both publications aimed to elevate the status of Havana Freemasonry over that of other cities.

Another notable example was El Palenque Literario—originally titled El Mundo Literario—which was active between 1876 and 1878. Written by members of Havana’s Masonic circles, this journal reflected their interpretations of secular affairs from a Masonic standpoint and also acted as a platform for mediating internal conflicts within the Cuban Masonic community. Its founder, journalist Carlos Genaro Valdés, also established La Idea printing press, a significant institution in the development of Cuban Masonic literature.

File:Grab Emilio Bacardi.jpg at Santa Ifigenia Cemetery|left]]One of the earliest Masonic figures in Cuba was Román de la Luz, active in 1809 during the island’s first documented push for independence. He belonged to a lodge chartered by the Grand Lodge of Pennsylvania. While his role in Freemasonry is often cited, he also participated in mutual-aid societies with roots in West African traditions, such as the Abakuá, which may have played a more direct role in local organizing.{{Cite web |title=Cuba, The Pursuit of Freedom |url=https://www.freemasonry.bcy.ca/nonfiction/history/cuba.html |access-date=2025-04-10 |website=www.freemasonry.bcy.ca}} Román de la Luz was discovered by the Civil Guard in the midst of a conspiracy—the first known attempt aimed at Cuban independence. His arrest marked an early example of Masonic involvement in anti-colonial activity.

The legacy of Freemasonry in Cuba is not only tied to the figures of abolitionism, however. {{Interlanguage link|Joaquín Gómez Hano de la Vega|ES}}, one of the most prolific slavers in the history of the islands of Cuba,{{Cite web |last=Rubio |first=Javier Fernández |date=2022-11-13 |title=Filántropos, emprendedores... y negreros: Cantabria mantiene viva la memoria de los esclavistas que hicieron fortuna con el 'oro negro' |url=https://www.eldiario.es/cantabria/filantropos-emprendedores-negreros-cantabria-mantiene-viva-memoria-esclavistas-hicieron-fortuna-oro-negro_1_9676875.html |access-date=2025-04-11 |website=ElDiario.es |language=es}}{{Cite web |date=2022-05-23 |title=Esclaus de la nostra història |url=https://www.eltemps.cat/article/17099/esclaus-de-la-nostra-historia |access-date=2025-04-11 |website=El Temps |language=Catalan}} was known for his anti-clerical views and active participation in Freemasonry. He adopted the Masonic alias "Aristides the Just," a reference to the esteemed Athenian statesman renowned for his fairness and integrity. A native of Cádiz, Gómez emerged as a significant figure in Havana's economic landscape during the 1830s. Arriving in Havana around the age of thirteen or fourteen, reportedly "almost naked," he rose to prominence as a merchant and banker. Gómez co-founded the first bank in Havana and was instrumental in introducing modern sugar processing technology to Cuba, notably importing horizontal sugar mills with iron rollers from the British firm Fawcett and Preston in 1830. His ventures extended to acquiring several productive coffee plantations and sugar mills, marking him as a key player in the island's agricultural sector.

Cuban families in the 1840s were known to send their children to educational institutions in the United States, fostering stronger connections between American and Cuban Masonic lodges.

Freemasonry’s visibility continued into the mid-19th century. The independence leader Joaquín de Agüero, executed in 1851, was reportedly a Mason. Symbols used by independence fighters during this era — such as flags incorporating a single star within a triangle — reflected Masonic iconography.

By the time of the Ten Years’ War, Masonic lodges had become established centers of political coordination, particularly in eastern Cuba. Revolutionary bodies such as the Junta Revolucionaria of Bayamo had links to local lodges, and figures like Pedro Figueredo were dispatched to engage with reformists.

File:Bayamo hdsr S5is Cuba2 898.jpg, "The Father of Cuba," was the Grand Master of the Good Faith Lodge.]]Carlos Manuel de Céspedes, who led the uprising of the Cry of Yara and was the first President of the Republic of Cuba in Arms, was the Grand Master of the "Good Faith" Masonic lodge. Additionally, during the summer of 1868, Céspedes conducted revolutionary meetings with various groups that had been developing within the Masonic lodges in the Cuban provinces.

Francisco Javier de Céspedes, the brother of Carlos Manuel de Céspedes, played a significant role in Cuba's fight for independence. He was a member of the Lodge "La Estrella Tropical 19," in Bayamo, alongside other prominent figures like Perucho Figueredo and Francisco Vicente Aguilera.

The San Pablo School (Spanish: Colegio San Pablo), established in 1867 in Havana by the Cuban educator and patriot {{Interlanguage link|Rafael María de Mendive|ES}}, played a significant role in shaping the intellectual and ethical foundations of a generation of Cuban youth, including José Martí. The school promoted a curriculum rooted in secular, scientific, philosophical, and liberal values, reflecting the modernizing ideals of the period.

A notable characteristic of the institution was the Masonic affiliation of many of its faculty members, who were also influential figures in the island’s intellectual and political life. These educators were connected to the Grand Orient of Cuba and the Antilles (Gran Oriente de Cuba y las Antillas, GOCA), a prominent Masonic body that served as a platform for liberal and nationalist thought and contributed to the ideological groundwork of the Ten Years’ War.

Among the faculty were Joaquín Fabián de Aenlle, a scientist and pedagogue who was second in importance within the GOCA after Vicente Antonio de Castro; Claudio Justo Vermay,{{Cite web |last=Feito |first=Carlos Barbaro García |date=February 4, 2011 |title=El Taller Cubano .·.: Claudio Justo Vermay y Long: Ejemplo de Mason y Ciudadano |url=https://desdemiamimason.blogspot.com/2011/02/c-j-vermay-ejemplo-de-mason-y-ciudadano.html |access-date=2025-04-11 |website=El Taller Cubano .·.}} founder of schools sponsored by Freemasonry, professor at the University of Havana, and later a member of the Supreme Council of the 33rd Degree of the Scottish Rite in Cuba; Antonio Zambrana, who contributed to the drafting of the Constitution of Guáimaro; and {{Interlanguage link|Antonio Govín|ES|Antonio Govín y Torres}}, who would become the first Grand Master of the United Grand Lodge of Colon and the Island of Cuba. Due to its close association with patriotic and liberal circles, the San Pablo School attracted the attention of colonial authorities. Mendive’s residence, which also housed the school, was regarded as a center of subversive activity. As a result, the school was closed and Mendive was arrested.

File:José_Martí_Freemason.jpg was another prominent member of the freemasons in Cuba, who went by the Masonic codename "Anahuac."{{Cite web |last=Acosta |first=Camila |date=2020-01-28 |title=José Martí y la masonería |url=https://www.cubanet.org/jose-marti-y-la-masoneria-cuba/ |access-date=2025-04-11 |website=Cubanet |language=es}}|left]]José Martí, the national hero of Cuban independence, was only speculated to be a Freemason until the year 2006, when the signature of his Masonic codename was discovered in documents buried in the archives of the Fernandina Lodge of Jagua, in the city of Cienfuegos by the Cuban historian Samuel Sánchez Gálvez. Though agnostic in belief, Martí maintained a respectful stance toward religion and is frequently referenced by Masonic institutions. Since 2006, many revelations about Martí's career as a Freemason have been discovered, including the fact that he maintained high-level positions within the Masonic movement, and also used the connections he made at the Lodge to organize revolutionary activities against Spain. Ironically, it was during his period of exile in Spain in 1871 where Martí was first initiated into the Masonic Order, studying at the University of Zaragoza.

However, as Martí's political thought matured, he became increasingly aware of internal contradictions within the Masonic Order, many of which reflected conservative or non-revolutionary tendencies. These inconsistencies led him to distance himself from active Masonic participation in some instances, particularly with the lodges whose positions diverged from his own revolutionary ideals, choosing to align themselves with Spanish colonial rule.

Martí made occasional references to Freemasonry in Patria, the official publication of the Cuban Revolutionary Party (PRC). One notable instance occurred following the death of Camagüey patriot Salvador Cisneros on October 2, 1894. Martí acknowledged the historical contributions of Cuban Freemasonry to the patriotic cause while criticizing elements within the fraternity that had aligned with Spanish colonial interests. He wrote:

“He believed in that early Freemasonry of Cuba, of children of immortal mistletoe, sworn to extinguish servitude—whether that of others or their own—from the face and the entrails of the earth. What use is it to remove injustice from the surface, if it remains rooted in the depths?”

File:Museum of the Revolution Ceiling (3206567947).jpg and Minerva both appear on the ceiling of the dome of the Museum of the Revolution, which was formerly the Presidential Palace of Cuba, built circa 1913.]]

Cuban Freemason Miguel Ángel Valdés would later draw parallels between Martí's ideals and Masonic symbolism in his work "MARTI, MASON."{{Cite web |last=VALDES |first=MIGUEL ANGEL |date=1937 |title=MARTI, MASON |url=https://www.latinamericanstudies.org/freemasonry/Marti-Mason.pdf |website=LatinAmericanStudies |publisher="Mundo Masonico" Apartado 2243 Habana, Cuba}} Referring to the triad of Wisdom, Strength, and Beauty—personified as Minerva, Hercules, and Venus in Masonic allegory—Valdés asserted that these virtues were embodied in Martí’s life. According to Valdés, Martí’s pursuit of knowledge, his unyielding moral resolve, and his reverence for artistic and ethical beauty were constant threads in his writings, speeches, and personal choices. He recounted that Martí once used his last coins not for food, but to purchase a flower vase, moved by its beauty.

Martí’s relationship with Freemasonry extended beyond Cuba. In Mexico, he published an article in Revista Universal describing a Masonic celebration held on March 21, 1876, by the Toltec Lodge, reflecting his close ties with Mexican Freemasons. In New York, he gave commemorative speeches at the Masonic Temple for anniversaries such as October 10 (marking the start of the Ten Years’ War) and visited lodges in Florida.

His connections with Masonic circles also continued during his time in Guatemala. There, he was welcomed by three Freemasons formerly affiliated with the Logia Buena Fe (Good Faith Lodge) of Manzanillo, where Carlos Manuel de Céspedes had served as Worshipful Master. These men were José Joaquín Palma, author of Guatemala’s national anthem; Manuel José Izaguirre Izaguirre; and {{Interlanguage link|José María Izaguirre|ES}}, director of the national Normal School, who invited Martí to teach literature and composition.

During his stay in Venezuela, Martí associated with Masonic lodges in Puerto Cabello and taught at the Villegas School, founded by Freemason Guillermo Tell Villegas. Later, in November 1894, during a visit to Generalissimo Máximo Gómez in Santo Domingo, Martí was invited to participate in a session of the Quisqueya Lodge 15.

With the independence of Cuba from the Spanish, Freemasonry in Cuba was finally able to flourish without the interference of the Spanish Catholic Church and its office of the Inquisition. Thanks to measures taken before the conflict by Masonic leaders—who had ensured the succession of politically neutral figures in key leadership positions—the Grand Lodge and Supreme Council were able to resume activities. Support from international Masonic networks, particularly from the United States, facilitated this process.

The American occupation of Cuba that followed the Spanish defeat brought profound political and institutional changes. Freemasonry, with its long-standing relationships with Masonic organizations in the United States, adapted to the new circumstances with relative ease. Many Cuban Freemasons took on administrative roles under U.S. military rule and helped shape the island’s postwar governance.

Several Masons were appointed to high-ranking posts under Governors John R. Brooke and Leonard Wood;

• Secretary of the Interior, Enrique José Varona
• Secretary of Education, Juan Bautista Hernández, who was also the Grand Master of the Grand Lodge
• Secretary of Justice, Luis Estévez y Romero
• Secretary of Public Works, José Ramón Villalón
• Secretary of Agriculture, Industry, and Commerce, Juan Rivera

This integration into government marked a phase in which Cuban Freemasonry increasingly aligned itself with North American Masonic traditions and influence. During the U.S. occupation, significant advances were made in public health and education. Epidemics such as yellow fever were brought under control, and literacy campaigns were launched on an unprecedented scale. The number of schools grew rapidly—from a few hundred to nearly 4,000—and student enrollment multiplied, reaching over 250,000. Educational reforms emphasized compulsory, secular, and free schooling, reflecting values commonly associated with Masonic ideals. To achieve these goals, school curricula and textbooks were adapted from American models, and many teachers received training inspired by U.S. pedagogical standards. A law passed in December 1899 mandated compulsory primary education for children between six and fourteen years of age, although implementation proved uneven, particularly in rural areas.

In July 1900, elections were held to form a constitutional assembly tasked with drafting a new legal framework for the Cuban Republic. While the process was supervised by U.S. authorities and shaped by their preferences, the assembly served as a platform for debates rooted in liberal and Masonic philosophy. Issues such as civil liberties, education, suffrage, and the role of religion in the state were discussed extensively.

Some delegates advocated for broad-based suffrage, including votes for women, Afro-Cubans, and illiterate citizens. However, others rejected such proposals, citing concerns about political maturity and social hierarchy. While universal suffrage was ultimately not adopted—and the extension of voting rights to women was delayed until the 1930s—the debates reflected a growing engagement with principles of civic equality and individual rights.

Although proposals to abolish the death penalty and enact other progressive measures were defeated, many laws were passed to secularize key aspects of public life. Cemeteries, marriage, and divorce were placed under civil jurisdiction, reducing the influence of religious institutions inherited from the colonial period.

In the early 20th century, Cuban Freemasonry experienced internal tensions. One current sought to continue using the institution as a platform for social and political reform, emphasizing national independence and modernization. Another segment leaned toward closer ties with U.S.-based Masonic lodges, reflecting a more conservative and externally aligned approach.

The arrival of American lodges on the island, such as the Havanna Lodge in 1899, highlighted the growing influence of foreign obediences. At the same time, relations between Cuban lodges and the Grand Orient of France deteriorated, partly due to ideological and cultural differences between Latin and Anglo-American Masonic traditions.

Royal Arch Masonry became officially active in Cuba on February 19, 1907, when the General Grand Chapter of Royal Arch Masons in the United States granted a dispensation to establish Island Chapter 1. The chapter held its first meeting on April 4, 1907, in the Masonic Hall in Havana, operating under temporary authorization until it received a formal charter in 1909. The chapter had been officially constituted earlier, on December 17, 1907, under the supervision of Marcus Endel, a past Grand High Priest of Florida.

Efforts to form such a chapter had already begun in 1906, led by Companion Orlando Ducker, but the General Grand Chapter was cautious at that time about expanding beyond the continental United States. In 1909, two of the chapter’s officers, R.B. Armour (High Priest) and Walter M. Daniel (King), traveled to the United States to ensure the chapter’s formal approval. An attempt was later made to establish a second chapter in Camajuaní, but Masonic authorities decided the town was too small to sustain one. Island Chapter 1 remained active into the mid-20th century, primarily serving Americans and English-speaking Masons in Havana.

Templar Masonry also had a presence in Cuba by the early 20th century. In 1914, Joseph K. Orr, then Grand Master of the Grand Encampment, visited Havana and praised the dedication of American Masons living there. On January 1, 1921, a dispensation was issued for the creation of Havana Commandery, with Walter M. Daniel as its first Commander. General George M. Moulton attended its institution. The commandery was officially chartered on April 27, 1922, and by July 1, 1951, had 91 members.

One of the most heavily debated moments in this era, both at the time and in the historical literature to follow, was the conference of the 33º to Gerardo Machado, one of the most controversial Presidents in the history of Cuba. Historians also note, however, that his award to the 33º was given before the USA, the USSR, and the entire island of Cuba conspired to remove Machado from power during the Cuban General Strike of 1933.

By 1936, as the Spanish Civil War broke out, Cuban Freemasonry had become a prominent and structured organization. That year, between 183 and 195 lodges operated across the islands of Cuba, with membership estimates ranging from about 13,000 to 16,500. Despite experiencing a downturn during the political instability of 1932–1933, the Masonic institution had begun to recover and expand by the mid-1930s. With a history extending over 130 years in Cuba, the Masonic community had developed strong connections with other Masonic bodies abroad, particularly in Europe and the Americas.{{Cite web |last=Mae Lambe |first=Ariel |date=2014 |title=Cuban Antifascism and the Spanish Civil War: Transnational Activism, Networks, and Solidarity in the 1930s. CHAPTER 5: Intemperate Campaigns against Very Respectable Entities: Cuban Freemasons as Antifascists |url=https://www.latinamericanstudies.org/cuba/Cuban-Antifascism-Spanish-Civil-War.pdf |website=LatinAmericanStudies |publisher=COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY}}

These international networks remained active in the 1930s, with Cuban Freemasons maintaining ties to their Spanish counterparts much like Cuban anarchists and communists maintained ideological connections with allies in Spain. As war broke out in Spain, Cuban Freemasons observed closely and began to discuss their position in relation to the unfolding events. Freemasonry, not tied to a single political ideology, operated as a space of ethical and philosophical reflection. However, it also had compelling reasons to oppose fascism. Francisco Franco, like other authoritarian leaders of the era, often blamed Freemasons for societal problems, using rhetoric similar to Hitler's antisemitic propaganda.

During the war in Spain, many Cuban Freemasons supported Republican forces and echoed the broader calls for unity that resonated through Cuban society in the late 1930s. Though officially opposed to communism, the Masonic fraternity found common ground with anarchists and left-leaning factions in their shared concern over the rise of fascism. This alignment, however, was not without internal contradictions. Political divisions within Freemasonry surfaced in debates about the Spanish Civil War, revealing that not all Masons were politically moderate. Some supported the Nationalist side or preferred to remain neutral, while others focused primarily on local Cuban issues.

In parallel with the political climate of the time, there was also a movement within Cuban Freemasonry to achieve internal unity. In March 1938, a significant step was taken when many lodges across the island unified. This internal consolidation mirrored the broader effort among leftist political parties in Cuba to present a united front. Calls for solidarity were widespread during this period, though achieving that unity—both within Freemasonry and across the Cuban political spectrum—proved difficult.

File:Masonic_Lodge_of_Manzanillo.jpg in 1928.|left]]On the 60th anniversary of the Cry of Yara, in 1928, one of the most important events in Cuban history, one of the Masonic Lodges of Oriente Province erected an obelisk at La Demajagua, the old molasses refinery and sugar plantation where the events took place. The Cry of Yara is symbolic of both the beginning of the Ten Years' War and the Cuban independence movement, as well as the birthplace of modern Cuban Abolitionism. The lodge also acted as the caretakers of this site for the next 30 years, marking the location of the historic events and ensuring that the land would not be developed, until the establishment of La Demajagua National Park in 1968, and the repatriation of the Bell of La Demajagua.{{Cite web |last=León |first=René Tamayo |date=June 28, 2018 |title=Presidente cubano en Granma: Día de Patria |url=http://www.cubadebate.cu/especiales/2018/06/28/presidente-cubano-en-granma-dia-de-patria/ |website=CubaDebate}}

A Council of Royal and Select Masters was also formed sometime before 1955, though precise details are limited.

In addition, a society for the daughters of Freemasons called the Daughters of Acacia had been founded prior to 1955. The organization had gained strength and respect for its charitable efforts. It was reportedly established by the wife of a prominent Cuban Mason.

Various Cuban political movements and parties included Masons among their leadership. Notably, in 1937, Augusto Rodríguez Miranda—a Freemason—held a leadership position in the Partido Unión Revolucionaria. Freemasonry maintained some public and civic presence even under the Batista regime, with reports of some revolutionary meetings held in lodges—such as those by the Ortodoxo Youth in Artemisa—because members had access to the facilities.

File:Presencia_de_la_Masoneria_en_la_Historia_de_Cuba.png

In 1942, Emilio Roig initiated a resolution during the Eleventh National Congress of History to recognize Freemasonry's contributions to Cuba's independence and culture. This resolution was officially approved by the Havana City Council in 1947, leading to the installation of a commemorative plaque at the Grand Lodge of Cuba in 1948. Although Roig was a staunch secularist and not a Freemason himself, he was awarded the Gold Medal of Cuban Freemasonry in recognition of his defense of its historical significance and its role in Cuban independence. He openly acknowledged Masonic symbols in Cuba’s national flag and coat of arms.{{Cite web |last=Spengler |first=Eusebio Leal |date=April 26, 2011 |title=Emilio Roig – the Eternal Havana City Historian |url=http://www.eusebioleal.cu/curriculum/statements-in-english/emilio-roig-the-eternal-havana-city-historian/ |access-date=2025-04-12 |website=eusebioleal.cu |language=en}}

From the 1930's to the late 1950's, Freemasonry around the world was under the dangerous infiltration of the organization by the Italian Mafia and the French Connection, which coincided with a massive uptick in violence associated with Masonic lodges.{{Cite journal |last1=Sergi |first1=Anna |last2=Vannucci |first2=Alberto |date=2023-09-01 |title=The Secret Nexus. A Case Study of Deviant Masons, Mafia and Corruption in Italy |url=https://academic.oup.com/bjc/article/63/5/1165/6965895 |journal=The British Journal of Criminology |volume=63 |issue=5 |pages=1165–1183 |doi=10.1093/bjc/azac096 |issn=0007-0955|hdl=11568/1159767 |hdl-access=free }} The Vatican was also not immune to infiltration.{{Cite magazine |last=Stille |first=Alexander |date=2014-06-24 |title=The Pope Excommunicates the Mafia, Finally |url=https://www.newyorker.com/news/daily-comment/the-pope-excommunicates-the-mafia-finally |access-date=2025-04-11 |magazine=The New Yorker |language=en-US |issn=0028-792X}} This infiltration of Italian societies, especially in Italy, has even continued into the 21st century.{{Cite web |last=Rome |first=Tom Kington |date=2021-11-24 |title=Freemasons and the mob: how forging ties with lodges shaped the history of the Italian mafia |url=https://www.thetimes.com/world/europe/article/freemasons-and-the-mob-how-forging-ties-with-lodges-shaped-the-history-of-the-italian-mafia-bxf677wtc |access-date=2025-04-11 |website=www.thetimes.com |language=en}} No direct evidence exists to substantiate any claim that freemasonry in Cuba has ever been infiltrated by the Mafia, like so many other institutions in Cuba had been at the time.{{Cite web |title=Cuba Mafia - The History of the Mafia in Cuba |url=https://www.cubamafia.com/history-of-mafia-in-cuba.html |access-date=2025-04-11 |website=www.cubamafia.com}} The fact that the organization continued to exist after the Revolution supports the claim that Fidel Castro deemed that it had not been infiltrated. However, many of the Italian gangsters, like Lucky Luciano, living on the island in this era, and especially later under the second presidency of Fulgencio Batista, had deep connections with the Mafia branches in Italy that had managed to infiltrate the lodges there.{{Cite journal |last=Henwood |first=Doug |date=1988 |title=Spooks in Blue |url=https://www.jstor.org/stable/25007120 |journal=Grand Street |volume=7 |issue=3 |pages=212–219 |doi=10.2307/25007120 |jstor=25007120 |issn=0734-5496}}

{{Commonscat|Gran Templo Nacional Masónico, Havana}}(Coordinates: {{Coord|23.132184782293894|-82.36995136678159}})File:National_Grand_Masonic_Temple_of_Havana.png

The construction of the Grand National Masonic Temple in Havana, Cuba, represented a pivotal moment in the history of Cuban Freemasonry. The idea for a new, monumental headquarters originated during a period of growth and consolidation of Masonic institutions in Cuba. The project was undertaken by the Grand Lodge of Cuba to provide a symbolic and functional center for national and international Masonic activity.

The cornerstone of the temple was laid on March 25, 1951. The ceremony was highly symbolic, involving the deposit of soil and water from Masonic lodges throughout the island into the foundation. This act was meant to embody the unity and collective effort of Cuban Freemasonry, tying the construction physically and spiritually to every region of the country.

After several years of construction, the Grand National Masonic Temple was completed and formally inaugurated on February 27, 1955, coinciding with the Third Inter-American Conference of Symbolic Masonry, which was hosted by the Grand Lodge of Cuba. The dedication of the Grand National Masonic Temple was not only a ceremonial event but also a strategic culmination of years of institutional planning and international coordination. The Grand Lodge of Cuba deliberately timed the temple’s inauguration to coincide with the Third Inter-American Masonic Conference (III Conferencia Masónica Interamericana), ensuring maximum international visibility and reinforcing Cuba’s leadership within the Inter-American Masonic community.

File:3rd International Conference of Symbolic Masonry at Grand Lodge of Cuba.png

The Inter-American Conference drew delegations from nearly all regular Grand Lodges across the Western Hemisphere, including prominent Masonic bodies from Mexico, the United States, Central and South America, and the Caribbean. Delegates expressed admiration for Cuba’s Masonic infrastructure and noted the symbolic importance of inaugurating such a monumental edifice during a conference centered on the Masonic virtues of: fraternity, liberty, and human dignity.

File:Grand Lodge of Cuba dedication ceremony.png

The dedicatory events spanned several days and included:

• A solemn Masonic ritual of consecration, led by the Grand Master of Cuba and the Grand Lodge’s principal officers;
• A public procession along Avenida Carlos III, attended by thousands of citizens and dignitaries;
• An open house, during which thousands of visitors, including non-Masons, were invited to explore the new Temple's halls, libraries, meeting rooms, and ceremonial spaces.

A key moment during the dedication was the flag-raising ceremony, during which the flags of all Masonic nations were hoisted. A massive 30-meter Cuban flag, donated by the Asociación de Jóvenes Esperanza de la Fraternidad (Association of Youth for the Hope of the Fraternity), adorned the building's façade. Thousands of citizens gathered for the event, which was characterized by expressions of patriotic pride and Masonic solidarity.

The temple was consecrated according to Masonic tradition, involving the symbolic use of oil (peace), wine (strength), and grain (abundance). Following the rituals, the building was opened to the public, and visitors were invited to tour the newly constructed temple, which was praised for its architectural beauty and civic symbolism.

File:Havana Art Deco (8992361417).jpg movement in Cuba, and is of great interest to students of the history of architecture in Cuba.]]

Designed to serve both practical and symbolic purposes, the new headquarters was described in the Cuban Masonic Magazine as a “baluarte en la lucha por la libertad de los pueblos y la dignidad plena del hombre” — (a bulwark in the struggle for the freedom of peoples and the full dignity of humanity). Of particular importance was the architectural layout of the temple, which had been deliberately designed to host not just Cuban Masonic ceremonies but also international conferences, academic events, and public cultural exhibitions. The Temple included; a Masonic museum, showcasing historical documents, regalia, and relics from notable figures such as José Martí, a Pan-American Masonic Gallery, where portraits and plaques honored Masonic leaders throughout Latin America, meeting halls named after heroes of the independence movement, blending national pride with fraternal tradition.

One of the highlights of the opening exhibition was a bust of José Martí placed at the entrance to the Pan-American Masonic Gallery, beside a framed copy of his symbolic prison file — symbolizing the enduring connection between Freemasonry and the Cuban struggle for freedom. Martí, recognized at the Conference as a Freemason, was held up as the embodiment of the Masonic ideals of liberty and justice.

Also commemorated was the AJEF (Asociación de Jóvenes Esperanza de la Fraternidad), whose youthful members not only participated in the ceremonies but also contributed to the event by donating a 30-meter Cuban flag, which was draped across the façade of the temple. This act symbolized the generational continuity of Masonic values and the role of youth in the future of Cuban Masonry.

File:Grand Lodge of Cuba Globe.png and Masonic compass at the top of the building.]]

The event was extensively covered in the Cuban Masonic press and by international Masonic observers. In a commemorative issue of Boletín Masónico, Cuban Masons emphasized the role of the new Temple as a “House of Light and Thought”, open to the pursuit of knowledge, democratic values, and human dignity. They viewed the Temple not merely as a building, but as a living monument to the role Freemasonry had played in the intellectual, political, and civic development of the Cuban nation.

Moreover, the dedication reinforced Cuba's status as a spiritual and philosophical center for Freemasonry in Latin America, a role that had grown throughout the 20th century as Cuban Masons supported struggles for independence, constitutionalism, and secular education across the continent.

The Grand National Masonic Temple was not simply a national event—it was a hemispheric statement made by the Grand Lodge of Cuba. It symbolized the Cuban Masonic fraternity’s historical contributions, its continuing relevance in post-revolutionary Cuba, and its aspiration to serve as a guiding moral force across the Americas. The 1955 dedicationserved both as a tribute to the past and a projection of Freemasonry’s future in a rapidly changing political and social landscape.

The inauguration of the Grand National Masonic Temple marked a high point in the public visibility and institutional development of Cuban Freemasonry. The building stood not only as a place for ritual and administration but also as a monument to the fraternity’s historical contributions to Cuban civil society and national identity.

However, only several years later, the building was seized by the Castro regime, and many of the prominent Cuban Freemasons joined the mass-exodus of Cubans fleeing the country. The street in front of the building was renamed by the Castro regime after Salvador Allende, who, while a friend of Castro, also happened to be a Master Mason himself.

After the Cuban Revolution of 1959, the Grand Lodge of Cuba was expelled from the Conference of Grand Masters of North America because it was determined that the Lodge was being used as a tool of the state.{{Cite web |title=A Helping Hand: The Grand Lodge of Cuba in Exile - Scottish Rite Masonic Museum & Library |url=https://www.srmml.org/a-helping-hand-the-grand-lodge-of-cuba-in-exile/ |access-date=2025-04-09 |language=en-US}} The Grand Lodge of Cuba did maintain some of the members of the original lodge, such as Jorge Luis Cuervo Calvo, the former Grand Warden of the Lodge, who was promoted to Grand Master.

In the aftermath of the Cuban Revolution, numerous civic organizations, including Masonic lodges, publicly expressed support for the new government. Grand Master Carlos Piñeiro, for instance, was associated with educational initiatives, such as the founding of a technical institution in Havana. At that time, the Havana lodge was considered among the largest in Latin America. Despite its rationalist orientation and European-style rejection of the doctrine of a "Grand Architect," it maintained formal relations with Masonic bodies in North America, which traditionally required belief in a higher power.

In January 1959, the Masonic lodge Hijos de América issued a call for global Masonic solidarity with the Cuban Revolution. However, the Masonic community, like many middle-class institutions, faced uncertainty in the rapidly changing political landscape.

It is speculated by many historians that the reason Fidel Castro never outright shut down the organization was because during the revolution, he took refuge in the shelter of a Masonic Lodge, and either; discovered an admiration for the organization, or realized its potential as a tool of the state.{{Cite web |last=Nairn |first=Robert J. |date=2012 |title=FREEMASONRY IN CUBA |url=https://linfordresearch.info/fordownload/World%20of%20Fmy/Nairn%20Cuba.pdf}} Some historians of Masonic history suggest that both Fidel Castro, and his brother Raúl Castro, were members of the Grand Lodge of Cuba long before the Revolution. However, neither man ever confirmed their membership.

A separate lodge was established by Freemasons who fled Cuba following the revolution, called the Grand Lodge of Cuba in Exile, operating in the United States, with its headquarters in Florida. The two lodges have operated simultaneously. However, sometime in the 1980's, it was speculated that the Grand Lodge in Exile was being used as a funder for anticommunist political terrorist activities, which are strictly forbidden by Masonic principles. The Lodge in Exile was caught in the middle of a plot to assassinate Fidel Castro, as part of Operation Mongoose.{{Cite web |last=Stein |first=Jeff |date=2014-04-07 |title=Bay of Piglets: How the Freemasons Got Caught in a Plot to Topple the Castros |url=https://www.newsweek.com/2014/04/18/bay-piglets-how-freemasons-got-caught-plot-topple-castros-248099.html |access-date=2025-04-10 |website=Newsweek |language=en}}

The Revista de la Gran Logia de Cuba, published in 1959, offers a retrospective account of the activities and institutional development of the Grand Lodge of Cuba (Gran Logia de Cuba de A.L. y A.M.) during the decade preceding the Cuban Revolution, including its response to the political changes following the revolutionary triumph of January 1959.{{Cite web |last=NUNEZ |first=JORGE BEATO |date=August 1959 |title=La Gran Logia: REVISTA MASONICA |url=https://www.latinamericanstudies.org/freemasonry/Revista-Gran-Logia-1959.pdf |website=LatinAmericanStudies |publication-place=Habana}}

In its editorial section, the magazine replaces the traditional editorial with a "Declaration of Principles" issued by the leadership of the Grand Lodge. This document expresses support for democracy, human rights, secular education, and social progress. It also affirms the fraternity's historical commitment to Cuban national values such as liberty, equality, and fraternity.

The magazine contains references to Masonic involvement in the events surrounding the Cuban Revolution. It states that the Grand Lodge provided support to members of the 26th of July Movement, including student activists, and describes the National Masonic Temple as a meeting place during the struggle against the Batista regime. The publication also notes that the institution faced surveillance and occasional raids during this period.

Jorge Beato Nunez wrote in his opening statement:

"We believe in the usefulness of virtue and in the advantages of democratic consolidation. We believe that Freemasonry, as an organic institution of Morality, can largely repair the brokenness of a world in crisis. We believe that the function of dispelling ignorance, combating hunger, and inspiring love in Humanity cannot be abandoned or limited, whatever obstacles may oppose it.

We believe that the principles upheld by the Fourth Human Rights oblige us to safeguard the integrity and happiness of the Homeland and the maintenance of national institutions and of persecuted revolutionaries, whether Masons or not, and its halls served for thousands of meetings with the same purpose.

The Jesuit brothers and the students of the Masonic University had the determined protection of the Grand Lodge in their revolutionary activities, and in recognition of this, we keep as a precious reward the communication of the Student Section of the 26th of July Movement, recognizing this work.

These activities naturally attracted the attention of the repressive forces and during the course of the last year, a strong surveillance was established on the Grand National Masonic Temple, to learn about the activities of the Grand Lodge and the Masonic University. This surveillance led to frequent visits and searches of our building and the open or covert arrest or close surveillance of many more members and leaders of the Freemasonry."

In the early 21st century, a series of covert initiatives by the United States aimed at promoting democratic reform in Cuba became entangled with the activities of U.S. Freemasons, most notably through the involvement of Akram Elias, a Washington, D.C.-based businessman and high-ranking Masonic figure. The story, which connects Syria, the United States, and Cuba, illustrates the complexities and contradictions of U.S. democracy promotion abroad, particularly under the auspices of the United States Agency for International Development (USAID).

In late 2010, Elias—then president of the Capital Communications Group and a former Grand Officer of the Washington, D.C. Masonic Lodge—visited Damascus to propose a public relations campaign to improve the image of the Syrian regime in Washington. According to emails obtained by WikiLeaks, Elias offered a $22,000-per-month strategic communications plan to Bouthaina Shaaban, a senior adviser to Syrian President Bashar al-Assad, despite ongoing U.S. sanctions against Syria. At the time, Elias's firm claimed to hold contracts with multiple U.S. national security agencies, including the Department of Justice and Homeland Security.

Elias's name would later surface in a high-profile incident involving USAID's operations in Cuba. In December 2009, Alan Gross, a subcontractor for USAID through Development Alternatives Inc. (DAI), was arrested in Havana after providing satellite communication equipment to members of the Cuban Jewish community. During Gross’s 2011 trial, Cuban authorities presented documentation indicating that Elias had met with Gross in Washington shortly before the latter’s final trip to Cuba. The two reportedly discussed expanding Gross’s communications project to include Cuban Masonic lodges. A follow-up meeting took place at Havana’s Hotel Nacional on December 2, 2009. Gross was arrested the following evening.

According to Cuban court documents, Elias had proposed that the encrypted communication networks deployed by Gross could be discreetly integrated into Cuba’s Masonic lodges. Elias had previously visited Cuba on several occasions following the island's economic liberalization measures and had built relationships with members of the Masonic community. However, Cuban counterintelligence had long been monitoring foreign democracy-promotion efforts. Gross’s arrest followed years of surveillance; Cuban officials revealed that he had delivered equipment to José Manuel Collera Vento, the Grand Master of the Cuban Masonic Grand Lodge, as early as 2004.

In 2011, Collera was revealed to be a double agent working for the Cuban government. He was awarded the Escudo Pinareño, one of Cuba’s highest civilian distinctions, in recognition of his services. This revelation highlighted the vulnerability of U.S. efforts to promote democratic change in Cuba through civil society institutions like Freemasonry.

The fallout from the Gross case and subsequent scandals, including the failed launch of the USAID-funded Cuban Twitter-style platform ZunZuneo, prompted criticism from multiple quarters. Senator Patrick Leahy, chair of the Senate Appropriations Subcommittee on State and Foreign Operations, condemned these initiatives as poorly conceived and lacking proper oversight. He later grilled USAID Administrator Rajiv Shah during a congressional hearing, expressing frustration that neither he nor other oversight bodies had been informed of such covert operations.

{{Commons category|Masonic buildings in Cuba}}

{{Commons category|Freemasonry in Cuba}}Despite significant political and institutional pressure, Freemasonry has endured in the islands of Cuba.{{Cite web |date=2010-05-27 |title=Crece militancia de masones en Cuba - Primera Plana - ElNuevoHerald.com |url=http://www.elnuevoherald.com/2010/05/23/726464/crece-la-militancia-de-las-logias.html |access-date=2025-04-11 |archive-url=https://web.archive.org/web/20100527025401/http://www.elnuevoherald.com/2010/05/23/726464/crece-la-militancia-de-las-logias.html |archive-date=27 May 2010 }} While some pro-government members sought to dissolve the organization following the 1959 revolution — arguing that revolutionary ideals had made it obsolete — the fraternity persisted. Membership in 2010 stood at 30,000, slightly below the 1958 total of 34,000, but significantly higher than the 19,690 recorded in 1981.

Cuban lodges operated approximately 220 temples, although the state had confiscated several properties and limited access to the Grand Lodge building in Central Havana. Freemasons in Cuba were required to report their activities in detail to the Office of Religious Affairs of the Communist Party’s Central Committee, then led by Caridad Diego. Emigrating members were often removed from lodge rolls, and non-routine activities required prior approval from the state.

Donations from foreign Masonic organizations were typically funneled through government-run institutions such as the Cuban Institute of Friendship with the Peoples, which retained part of the funds. The remainder supported charitable initiatives, lectures, and conferences on cultural, historical, and economic topics. The fraternity also operates facilities such as the Llansó Masonic Asylum in Havana and maintained public-facing resources like the blog La Colmena.

Despite its apolitical foundations, the fraternity has faced increasing pressure to align with official state expectations, while internal disputes have raised questions about political influence within its leadership.

A notable episode in 2010 involved former Grand Master Juan Manuel Collera Venta, who, along with two other Masons, was accused of violating lodge protocols by allowing a Mason initiated in Miami to attend a meeting in Cuba. Organizational rules at the time stipulated that only individuals initiated on the island were eligible to visit local lodges.

The controversy surrounding Collera drew broader attention due to longstanding rumors of his close ties to the Cuban government. It was alleged that state authorities pressured the Masonic leadership to elect him as Grand Master in 2000 and later intervened to prevent his expulsion over unrelated matters in 2005. In a letter written shortly after the 2010 accusations, Collera rejected the disciplinary proceedings as “morally fraudulent” and suggested that Cuban exiles were responsible for the campaign against him. He also criticized the organization’s historical efforts to limit contact with Masonic lodges in exile.

Gustavo Pardo Valdés—then president of the Cuban Academy of High Masonic Studies, an independent journalist, and a former political prisoner—confirmed that a formal investigation was underway and that a Masonic trial was expected to take place in June 2010.

Though officially legal, Cuban Freemasonry in 2010 operated under conditions that blended civil autonomy with state surveillance. While the fraternity maintained its commitment to non-political values, the realities of the political environment continued to shape its internal governance and external relations.

In late 2022, Francisco Javier Alfonso Vidal, then Grand Master of the Grand Lodge of Cuba, chose not to return to the country following a trip to Mexico. This development, publicly acknowledged in a statement by the Grand Lodge and circulated among members, added to a growing sense of internal conflict and external political pressure on the Masonic fraternity in Cuba.{{Cite web |last=Reyes |first=José Luis |date=2023-01-10 |title=El líder de los masones de Cuba se exilia tras denunciar presiones del régimen {{!}} DIARIO DE CUBA |url=https://diariodecuba.com/derechos-humanos/1672772217_44395.html |access-date=2025-04-11 |website=diariodecuba.com |language=es}}

Alfonso Vidal had traveled to Mexico as a guest of the Grand Lodge of Veracruz, but failed to return as scheduled on December 21. The Grand Lodge reported unsuccessful attempts to contact him, interpreting his silence as a de facto resignation. However, on the following day, Alfonso Vidal issued a formal letter of resignation, stating that political interference rendered it impossible to fulfill his duties with the "transparency, autonomy, and freedom" required by Masonic legislation.

In the letter, Alfonso Vidal accused the Grand Lodge of distorting Masonic laws and noted that he had previously delegated his responsibilities to Armando Guerra Lozano, the Grand Master of Ceremonies, prior to traveling. He denied abandoning his position and claimed that efforts were already underway to remove him through an Extraordinary Session, allegedly orchestrated under the influence of State Security.

According to Vidal, Cuban State Security exerted pressure on Masonic leadership, especially following public statements by other high-ranking Masons, such as José Ramón Viñas Alonso, Sovereign Grand Commander of the Supreme Council of the 33rd Degree. Viñas Alonso had previously written to President Miguel Díaz-Canel criticizing the government’s handling of the July 2021 protests, and was subsequently summoned by State Security. Alfonso Vidal claimed that his own suspension was partly linked to this episode, and described broader efforts by authorities to infiltrate or control the fraternity.

He reported being harassed by a man identifying himself as “Poll,” who claimed to have worked on Masonic affairs for State Security for four decades. According to Vidal, he received numerous calls from this individual and was followed in public, prompting him to take precautionary measures.

In his statement, Vidal described what he viewed as a campaign by Cuban State Security to subvert the independence of Freemasonry on the island. He urged fellow Masons to resist any attempts by individuals connected to government bodies to assume positions of leadership within the fraternity. At the conclusion of his letter, he revealed that he and his wife had applied for political asylum in the United States.

This incident follows long-standing tensions between the Cuban government and religious or fraternal institutions. In 2010, reports had already indicated that Masonic lodges on the island operated under strict state oversight, including government-imposed membership rules and surveillance. At the time, despite government control and infiltration, Cuban Freemasonry claimed roughly 30,000 members across more than 300 lodges. The organization remained legal but was closely monitored by the Office of Religious Affairs under the Communist Party.

In December 2022, shortly after Alfonso Vidal’s resignation, the U.S. government added Cuba to its list of countries that violate religious freedom.{{Cite web |title=Cuba |url=https://www.state.gov/reports/2022-report-on-international-religious-freedom/cuba/ |access-date=2025-04-11 |website=United States Department of State |language=en-US}} In response, the Cuban government denied the allegations, asserting that religious institutions in Cuba operated with legal protection and social participation. Caridad Diego, head of the Office of Religious Affairs, dismissed the U.S. designation as arbitrary and politically motivated.

In 2023, four Masonic lodges were suspended after they refused to recognize the authority of Grand Master Mario Alberto Urquía Carreño, whose leadership was widely questioned following his refusal to comply with an expulsion order issued by the Supreme Council in January. The expulsion was related to the alleged misappropriation of $19,000 from his office.{{Cite web |date=2024-08-01 |title=Four lodges suspended for refusing to recognize Mario Urquía as Grand Master. |url=https://en.cibercuba.com/noticias/2024-08-01-u192519-e192519-s27061-nid286112-cuatro-logias-suspendidas-negarse-reconocer |access-date=2025-04-11 |website=CiberCuba |language=en}}{{Cite web |date=2024-01-15 |title=Leader of the Grand Lodge of Cuba speaks out following the theft of 19 thousand dollars that were under their custody |url=https://en.cibercuba.com/noticias/2024-01-15-u1-e129488-s27061-lider-gran-logia-cuba-pronuncia-tras-robo-19-mil-dolares |access-date=2025-04-11 |website=CiberCuba |language=en}}

The suspended lodges include Evolución in Artemisa, and three in Havana: General Guillermo Moncada, Luz de Marianao, and Carlos Manuel de Céspedes. The suspensions, enacted four days after public protests outside the Grand Lodge of Cuba, are to remain in effect until the next session of the High Chamber. Urquía cited violations of the Masonic Constitution, institutional law, and ancient Masonic traditions as justification for the sanctions.

In response to the protests, Urquía issued a statement on July 24, addressed to nearly 200 Freemasons who had demonstrated the day before at the National Masonic Temple, demanding his resignation. In his letter, Urquía criticized some members for placing "personal interests above those of the Institution" and noted that demonstrators had entered the lobby on the 11th floor, just outside the Grand Master's office.

He also denounced what he described as external interference, singling out independent journalist Camila Acosta for possessing information that, in his view, a non-member should not access. Urquía further warned of “dissenting elements” infiltrating the Masonic ranks and accused certain members of using the organization as a platform for anti-government political activity disguised as Masonic dissent.

According to eyewitness accounts from the demonstration, Freemasons had gathered in protest not only against Urquía but also against the Cuban government's intervention in internal lodge affairs. The Ministry of Justice had reinstated Urquía despite his formal expulsion on grounds of “immorality” and “betrayal of Masonic principles,” prompting accusations of undue state influence.

A subsequent notice posted at the National Masonic Temple summoned all lodge presidents to a meeting with Caridad Diego, head of the Office of Religious and Fraternal Affairs of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Cuba. The meeting was scheduled to take place at a government facility in Old Havana.

The immediate catalyst for the crisis was Decree 1791, issued by Urquía on July 19, which suspended the longstanding Treaty of Friendship and Mutual Recognition between the Grand Lodge of Cuba and the Supreme Council. This unprecedented move ended nearly two centuries of unity between the symbolic and philosophical branches of Cuban Freemasonry, forcing members to choose allegiance to one institution or the other, and jeopardizing the Grand Lodge’s international recognition.

On July 23, the Cuban Ministry of Justice released a statement declaring that it had detected procedural irregularities in Urquía’s expulsion and ordered that the process be repeated in compliance with internal statutes and member consensus.

In an unprecedented development, the Cuban government ultimately responded to the protests by permitting new elections within the Grand Lodge. The decision marked a significant turning point in the history of Cuban Freemasonry, as it was the first time in the post-1959 era that members had publicly mobilized against a Grand Master, accusing him of corruption and alleging state protection due to political loyalty.

On August 1, 2024, attention turned to a high-stakes meeting in Havana between Cuban Masons and Caridad Diego, head of the Communist Party’s Office of Religious Affairs, as the state seeks to mediate an escalating internal crisis within the country’s Masonic institutions. The dispute stems from the January theft of $19,000 from the office of Grand Master Mario Alberto Urquía Carreño and has since grown into a serious schism between the Grand Lodge of Cuba and the Supreme Council of the 33rd Degree.{{Cite web |last=14ymedio |date=2024-08-03 |title=Cuban Communist Party Summons Masons to a Meeting Seeking to Increase Its Control |url=https://translatingcuba.com/cuban-communist-party-summons-masons-to-a-meeting-seeking-to-increase-its-control/ |access-date=2025-04-11 |website=Translating Cuba |language=en-GB}}

Historian and exiled Mason Gustavo E. Pardo Valdés views the Party’s involvement as an attempt to appear as a unifying force while consolidating influence over Freemasonry. The Ministry of Justice, which previously attempted to resolve the matter, has reportedly been sidelined.

Despite protests and mounting opposition, Urquía Carreño remains in office, backed by senior officials such as his secretary, Juliannis Reinaldo Galano. He continues to issue decrees, including the recent suspension of four lodges—Evolución (Artemisa), and Luz, General Guillermo Moncada, and Carlos Manuel de Céspedes (Havana)—for refusing to recognize his authority.

Pardo argues that while Urquía’s leadership has caused significant ethical and legal concerns, the rebellion against him has also breached Masonic law. He emphasizes that the proper procedure for removing a Grand Master, as outlined in Title VIII of the Masonic Constitution, was not followed. This includes formal accusations by at least 50 lodges and approval by a two-thirds majority of the Grand Jury.

The scale of support for Urquía remains unclear. Of Havana’s 111 lodges—representing roughly a third of all Cuban Freemasons—only about 140 to 200 members were seen protesting, many affiliated with the Supreme Council. The standoff underscores deeper tensions between Freemasonry’s symbolic and philosophical branches, compounded by perceived political interference.

• Cabildo (Cuba)
• Las Clavellinas Uprising
• Freemasonry in Latin America
• {{Interlanguage link|Knights of the Order of Light|ES|La Orden Caballeros de la Luz}}
• {{Interlanguage link|Revolution of the Suns and Rays|ES|Conspiración de los Soles y Rayos de Bolívar}}

• https://www.scribd.com/document/442242740/Legislacion-Masonica-Cubana
• https://lodgelocator.com/public/entities/123?page=1&q%5Bs%5D=name+desc

{{Freemasonry in Europe}}

Category:Freemasonry by country

Category:Clubs and societies in Cuba

Category:Cuban Freemasons

Category:Freemasonry in Cuba

Category:History of Cuba